
After two years, Punjab's green stamp paper initiative remains mostly ‘on paper' in Ludhiana
Chief minister Bhagwant Mann introduced the green colour-coded stamp paper system in 2022, claiming it would cut red tape significantly for industrialists by guaranteeing all necessary clearances within two weeks. The stamp paper was meant to serve as a one-stop approval document, bundling permissions from departments including town planning (CLU), forest, fire, and pollution control authorities.
However, officials now admit the scheme has seen limited success on the ground. According to sources in the district administration, only a handful of green stamp paper registries have been completed in Ludhiana since its inception. One major reason, they say, is that a large portion of the city's industrial sector falls under the 'hazardous industry' category — an area not eligible for the green stamp paper process.
The initiative was originally designed to offer industrialists land feasibility assessments before registration. Applicants were to apply via the Invest Punjab portal or in person, with the CLU team delivering clearances within ten days. Upon clearance, they would be issued a green stamp paper incorporating all required departmental approvals.
But industry leaders say the system is bogged down by duplication. "Even after using green stamp paper, industrialists often have to reapply for approvals and pay the same fees again," said Ashpreet Singh, former chairman of the Confederation of Indian Industry (CII), Ludhiana chapter. "This defeats the purpose of a streamlined clearance process." He added that the business community had recommended integrating the green stamp paper model with Punjab's Right to Business Act, introduced in 2021. That act allows provisional clearance from four departments, giving industries up to 3.5 years to secure full approvals post setup.
A senior govt official confirmed the integration proposal is under consideration. "We are actively reviewing this suggestion, and a formal proposal has been submitted to the relevant department," the official said. While the green stamp paper scheme aimed to be a game-changer in simplifying industrial development, its future may now depend on whether it can be restructured to overcome bureaucratic hurdles — and gain the trust of the business community it was designed to help.
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Time of India
a day ago
- Time of India
The Shailesh Haribhakti Doctrine: Reimagining India's development beyond Nehru's legacy for sustainable abundance
Mr. Shailesh Haribhakti is Chairman, Desai Haribhakti Group and is a staunch believer in Corporate Social Responsibility, Governance and promoting a greener environment. He actively promotes these causes through forums like ASSOCHAM, CII and the Indian Merchants' Chamber by participating in the process of framing regulations and standards. LESS ... MORE Drawing on Arvind Panagariya's critique of the Nehru Development Model, this article proposes the 'Shailesh Haribhakti Doctrine' as a forward-looking framework for India's economic transformation. It synthesises liberalisation lessons with ambitious targets for a $5 trillion economy by 2030, AI-driven innovation, and sustainable abundance through renewables, green mobility, circularity, net zero pathways, and biodiversity leadership. Structured in yearly measurable outcomes up to 2035, the doctrine aligns with Government of India (GoI) commitments, including 500 GW non-fossil capacity by 2030 and net zero by 2070. By pivoting from state-heavy planning to market-led, tech-convergent growth, it addresses workforce disruptions while fostering political consensus for deregulation and global integration. Implications for equity, federalism, and soft power are explored, positioning India as a sustainability exemplar. Introduction India's post-independence economic trajectory has long been shadowed by the Nehru Development Model, characterised by state-led industrialisation, protectionism, and bureaucratic controls. Arvind Panagariya's seminal work, The Nehru Development Model (2024), dissects this legacy, arguing that Nehru's socialist inclinations—drawn from Fabian influences and Soviet planning—prioritised heavy industries at the expense of efficiency, exports, and private enterprise. While crediting Nehru for democratic foundations, Panagariya highlights how the licence-permit raj stifled growth until the 1991 reforms unleashed market forces. As India stands at the cusp of Viksit Bharat by 2047, the arc of progress demands acceleration beyond liberalisation. This article synthesises Panagariya's insights with a visionary doctrine named after the author, the Shailesh Haribhakti Doctrine. It charts a decade-long trajectory incorporating AI resilience, sectoral modernisation, digital public infrastructure (DPI), and exponential technologies, while embedding 'sustainable abundance'—a concept of limitless clean resources via renewables, circular economies, and biodiversity restoration. Drawing from GoI sources like NITI Aayog, Ministry of New and Renewable Energy (MNRE), and updated Nationally Determined Contributions (NDCs), the doctrine cascades in three-year phases with yearly OKRs (Objectives and Key Results), adaptable to technological breakthroughs. This framework not only targets a $5 trillion economy by 2030 but also aligns with net zero by 2070, ensuring equitable, resilient growth. Critiquing the Nehru Development Model Panagariya's book structures its critique in three parts: origins, implementation, and aftermath. Nehru's model, influenced by his 1927 USSR visit and Harold Laski's socialism, manifested in five-year plans that funnelled resources into capital-intensive public sector units (PSUs), often ignoring comparative advantages in labour-intensive exports. Protectionist tariffs and quotas bred inefficiencies, with growth averaging a mere 3.5% annually from 1950 to 1980—the infamous 'Hindu rate.' Post-Nehru, these policies persisted, delaying reforms until the 1991 balance-of-payments crisis. Panagariya quantifies the costs: India's per capita income lagged behind East Asian tigers by factors of 10 by 1990. Yet, the model entrenched welfarism and state dominance, evident in today's subsidies and PSUs. The doctrine counters this by advocating deregulation, tariff-free zones, and private R&D at 6% of GDP, echoing Panagariya's call for market-oriented correctives. Envisioning India's trajectory in the next decade Building on liberalisation's 'arc of progress,' India's path must integrate 15 key pillars: achieving $5 trillion GDP by 2030; reskilling for AI/RPA disruptions; modernising agriculture via natural farming and high-value crops; expanding services through global capability centres (GCCs) and generative AI; leading in quantum-safe cybersecurity; converging exponential technologies; establishing liberal trade zones; leveraging DPI for services like payments and senior concierge; providing free economic data; deploying AI mentors for health/education with DNA mapping and data privacy commons; democratising AR/VR for entertainment/learning; targeting 6% R&D spend; scaling soft power via Yoga/Ayurveda; advancing defence systems; and emerging as a sustainability leader. This trajectory addresses Nehru-era blind spots—over-regulation and inward focus—by emphasising exports, innovation, and human capital. For instance, AI threats to a 'pampered workforce' necessitate reskilling 50% by 2028, while agriculture shifts to multi-cropping for value addition, boosting rural GDP by 20% annually. Services, already 55% of GDP, could capture 20% global AI market share via code rewriting. DPI expansions, per NITI Aayog, will universalise access, reducing inequality. The Shailesh Haribhakti Doctrine: A phased roadmap The doctrine operationalises this vision in three-year cascades from 2025, with yearly OKRs interpolated from GoI targets. Acceleration provisions allow 6-12 month advances for breakthroughs like affordable green hydrogen. It draws from MNRE's 500 GW non-fossil goal by 2030, NDCs' 45% emissions intensity reduction, and National Biodiversity Strategy and Action Plan (NBSAP)'s 23 targets. 2025-2028: Foundation building 2025: Establish baselines; 235 GW RE capacity (MNRE data); 5 million EVs (FAME scheme); 20% EPR compliance; 5% emissions intensity cut; restore 1 million hectares. 2026: 260 GW RE; 8 million EVs; 30% plastic waste reduction; 10% Scope 2 cuts; conserve 5 species. 2026: 260 GW RE; 8 million EVs; 30% plastic waste reduction; 10% Scope 2 cuts; conserve 5 species. 2027: 290 GW RE; 12 million EVs; 25% e-waste recycling; 10% overall emissions reduction; 27% protected land. 2028: 320 GW RE; 16 million EVs; 35% waste circularity; 15% intensity cut; restore 3 million hectares. Focus: Workforce reskilling to 50%; pilot DPI concierge; launch quantum encryption. 2028-2031: Sector acceleration 2029: 360 GW RE; 20 million EVs; 45% recycling; 20% emissions reduction; 29% protected areas. 2030: 500 GW non-fossil (NDCs); 50 million EVs; 55% circular adoption; 45% intensity reduction; restore 5 million hectares. 2031: 550 GW RE; 60 million EVs; 60% recycling; 25% overall cuts; 31% protected land. Focus: $5 trillion GDP; full AI mentors; converge technologies in defence. 2031-2034: Global leadership 2032: 600 GW RE; 70 million EVs; 65% waste reduction; 28% emissions cuts; restore 7 million hectares. 2033: 650 GW RE; 80 million EVs; 70% circularity; 30% reductions; 33% protected. 2034: 700 GW RE; 90 million EVs; 75% recycling; 32% cuts; 34% protected. Focus: Soft power exports; net zero pilots in power/transport. 2034-2035: Sustained Innovation 2035: 750 GW RE (80% mix); 100 million EVs; 80% circularity; 35% emissions reduction; 35% protected land, meeting NBSAP fully. Annual reviews by a GoI-tech council ensure adaptability. Integrating sustainable abundance The doctrine embeds 'sustainable abundance' across sectors. Power pivots to 100% renewables by 2040, per National Green Hydrogen Mission, enabling abundant grids via solar/wind (1,200 GW solar target by 2047, PIB 2024). Mobility becomes a green service through EV-based Mobility-as-a-Service (MaaS), targeting 30% penetration by 2030 (NEMMP). Circularity is ubiquitous via Extended Producer Responsibility (EPR) and National Resource Efficiency Policy (NREP), saving $300 billion by 2035 (NITI Aayog estimates). Net zero aligns with Science-Based Targets initiative (SBTi), focusing Scope 1-2 emissions, with 2.5-3 Bt CO2e carbon sinks by 2030 (MoEFCC). Biodiversity leadership positions India as a global model, expanding protected areas to 35% by 2035 and leading Kunming-Montreal Framework initiatives. Sharp insights: Renewables will cut energy imports by 50%, fostering abundance; circularity in agriculture (e.g., bio-CNG) boosts farmer incomes 30%; net zero pathways, per India's LT-LEDS (2022), require $10 trillion investments, catalysed by climate finance taxonomy (DEA 2025). Economic and political implications Economically, the doctrine promises 8%+ annual growth, diversifying from Nehru's PSU reliance to private-led innovation. Politically, it demands federal consensus for trade zones and data sharing, potentially straining centre-state relations but enhancing equity via DPI. AI disruptions risk unemployment, necessitating universal basic services; soft power via Ayurveda could yield $50 billion exports. Challenges include funding (6% R&D requires public-private partnerships) and geopolitics (quantum defence amid US-China tensions). Success hinges on deregulation, echoing 1991, to avoid Nehru-era stagnation. The Shailesh Haribhakti Doctrine transcends the Nehru model's pitfalls, forging a path to sustainable abundance. By 2035, India could lead in renewables, biodiversity, and tech convergence, achieving net zero milestones en route to 2070. This requires bold political will, but the rewards—equitable prosperity and global stature—are profound. As Panagariya notes, progress demands unlearning old models; this doctrine provides the blueprint. References Panagariya, Arvind (2024). The Nehru Development Model. Columbia University Press. Government of India (2022). India's Long-Term Low-Emission Development Strategy. MoEFCC. NITI Aayog (2023). India Energy Security Scenarios 2047. Ministry of New and Renewable Energy (2024). Renewable Energy Roadmap. MNRE. Press Information Bureau (2024). 'Year-End Review: Environment and Climate Change.' PIB. Department of Economic Affairs (2025). Framework of India's Climate Finance Taxonomy. DEA. Facebook Twitter Linkedin Email Disclaimer Views expressed above are the author's own.


Time of India
2 days ago
- Time of India
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Time of India
2 days ago
- Time of India
‘Far from dead': Economy that Trump buried ‘outpaces' US
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