
Boston Police sergeant sues department over demotion following appointment to police oversight panel
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The command staff, composed of deputy superintendents and superintendents, are appointees of the commissioner. These ranks are separate from the civil service ranks, which including officer, sergeant, lieutenant, and captain.
Chrispin said he was told that he 'couldn't serve two masters.' Chrispin is the former president of the Massachusetts Association of Minority Law Enforcement Officers, and he and Cox are both Black.
Chrispin did not step down from POST. Cox removed him from the command staff last July, returning him to his previous rank of sergeant detective.
'I was deeply honored to accept Attorney General Campbell's appointment to the POST Commission which allows me to weigh-in on cases of misconduct and enlighten POST on matters of policing that come from firsthand lived experience as a Haitian immigrant, a Black man, and a veteran member of law enforcement,' Chrispin said in a statement Thursday.
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Attorneys at Lawyers for Civil Rights and Conn Kavanaugh Rosenthal Peisch & Ford filed suit against Cox in the commissioner's personal and professional capacities, according to a copy of a lawsuit. Chrispin is seeking to be reinstated to deputy superintendent and awarded back pay.
Chrispin remains on the POST commission, according to its website.
The Boston Police Department did not immediately respond to a request for comment on Thursday.
Last summer, a police department spokesperson said Chrispin's account was 'not accurate,' but declined to comment further. A department official also said that serving on the state panel would give him access to sensitive internal information about BPD officers he wouldn't otherwise have.
At the time,
'I believe that for our leaders to do well, in any organization and what I've seen in the public sector and in city government, management matters, organizational health matters,' she said.
Sean Cotter can be reached at
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San Francisco Chronicle
an hour ago
- San Francisco Chronicle
Federal judge recuses himself days before sentencing Memphis officers accused in Tyre Nichols' death
MEMPHIS, Tenn. (AP) — The federal judge presiding over the case against five former Memphis officers convicted in the fatal beating of Tyre Nichols recused himself Friday, just days before he was supposed to hand down sentences for the men. U.S. District Judge Mark S. Norris issued a one-sentence order saying he was recusing himself and returning "the matter to the Clerk for reassignment to another United States District Judge for all further proceedings.' Four of the five officers had been scheduled to be sentenced next week, the fifth on June 23. It was not immediately clear how Norris' decision would affect the case. Several motions had been filed under seal in recent days. It was not clear if any of those asked for Norris to step away from the case. It is unusual for a judge to recuse themself from a case between the trial and sentencing. The officers yanked Nichols from his car, then pepper-sprayed and hit the 29-year-old Black man with a Taser. Nichols fled, and when the five officers, who are also Black, caught up with him, they punched, kicked and hit him with a police baton. Nichols called out for his mother during the beating, which took place just steps from his home. Nichols died Jan. 10, 2023, three days later. Footage of the beating captured by a police pole camera also showed the officers milling about, talking and laughing as Nichols struggled with his injuries — video that prompted intense scrutiny of police in Memphis. The beating also sparked nationwide protests and prompted renewed calls for police reform. The five officers — Tadarrius Bean, Demetrius Haley, Emmitt Martin, Desmond Mills Jr., and Justin Smith — were fired from the police force and indicted in state and federal court. Bean, Haley and Smith were found guilty in federal court in October of obstruction of justice through witness tampering related to an attempt to cover up the beating. The officers failed to say that they or their colleagues punched and kicked Nichols and broke Memphis Police Department rules when they did not include complete and accurate statements about what type of force they used. Bean and Smith were acquitted of more serious civil rights charges by the federal jury. Haley was found guilty of violating Nichols' civil rights by causing bodily injury and showing deliberate indifference to medical needs. He was also convicted of conspiracy to witness tamper. Bean and Smith were scheduled to be sentenced on Monday. Haley's sentencing was scheduled for Tuesday, and Martin was scheduled to be sentenced on Wednesday. Mills' sentencing was set for June 23. Martin Zummach, Smith's lawyer, referred questions on Norris' recusal to the district court and the U.S. Attorney's Office on Friday. Bean, Haley and Smith were acquitted in May of all state charges, including second-degree murder. The jury for the state trial was chosen in majority-white Hamilton County, which includes Chattanooga, after Judge James Jones Jr. ordered the case be heard from people outside of Shelby County, which includes the majority-Black Memphis. The officers' lawyers had argued that intense publicity made seating a fair jury difficult. Martin and Mills pleaded guilty in federal court last year to violating Nichols' civil rights by causing death and conspiracy to witness tamper. They did not stand trial in federal court with their former colleagues. Martin and Mills also avoided the trial in state court after reaching agreements to plead guilty there. Both Martin and Mills testified in the federal trial, and Mills also took the stand in the state trial. The officers were part of a crime suppression team called the Scorpion Unit that was disbanded weeks after Nichols died. The team targeted illegal drugs and guns, and violent offenders, and sometimes used force against unarmed people. In December, the U.S. Justice Department said a 17-month investigation showed the Memphis Police Department uses excessive force and discriminates against Black people. The investigation also found that the Memphis Police Department conducts unlawful stops, searches, and arrests. In May, the Trump administration announced it was retracting the findings of Justice Department civil rights investigations of police departments, including Memphis, that were issued under the Biden administration. The city has hired a former federal judge and created a task force to address police department reforms. The task force has not announced any recommendations. Nichols' family is suing the five officers, the city of Memphis and the police chief for $550 million. A trial has been scheduled in that case next year. Norris is the judge presiding over that case too. Court records in the lawsuit did not show any order of recusal Friday.


Chicago Tribune
an hour ago
- Chicago Tribune
Gary man gets 70 years for killing marijuana dealer
A Gary man got 70 years Friday for killing a marijuana dealer. Tyrone Reno, 34, was convicted last month of murder in the Nov. 15, 2021, death of Quintez Johnson, 31, plus a gun enhancement. He faced up to 85 years. Johnson's two kids, aged 8 and 6, were in the apartment when he was shot. At trial, jurors viewed footage of an unmasked man running down a stairwell just after Johnson's death. They returned a guilty verdict after 15 minutes. Reno has said he is innocent and plans to appeal, his lawyer Natalie Williams said in court Friday, asking for a 45-year sentence. During lengthy remarks, Deputy Prosecutor Milana Petersen said Reno killed Johnson over cash and a 'little bit of weed.' She ultimately asked for 75 years. Johnson's mother, emotional on the stand, said her grandson still wouldn't eat spaghetti because it was the last dinner he ate with his dad. She expressed empathy for Reno's family. My son would have helped you, she told Reno. 'I just want to know why,' she said. 'He would have done anything you asked.' Earlier in the hearing, Petersen questioned Detective James Nielsen on videos from Reno's Facebook account. They showed him holding guns, money with rap music playing, or smoking. Williams objected throughout – saying they were posted in 2022 or later. His Facebook account was deactivated around the time of Johnson's death, she said. The lawyer argued there was no proof he was in a gang, a point Judge Salvador Vasquez agreed. Posting videos on Facebook with guns, money or rap music was not proof he lived a violent life. It was a false conjecture, she argued. Gary Police responded that day to an apartment building on the 1300 block of W. 5th Avenue for a homicide. Detectives found a trail of marijuana up the stairs to an open Pringles inside a third-floor apartment. Johnson was lying on the sofa. He had been shot twice in the head. There were no signs of struggle. Security cameras showed a Black man — later identified as Reno — arriving at Johnson's apartment, then fleeing about three minutes later. He had a handgun and a backpack with marijuana. Police believe Johnson was shot around 2 p.m. While a patrolman was writing a report at the Gary Police Station, 555 Polk St., a man who matched the one seen on the video walked by him and a colleague. He was wearing the same clothes, including a Black hoodie with white lining and brown tag. The other officer approached him. Reno gave his name, but he wasn't arrested, since the man in the video wasn't identified yet. Police learned Johnson started selling marijuana a month earlier to help pay his bills. Reno was arrested two years later. Investigators used 'facial recognition software' to help match security footage outside the Gary Police station to the man seen on camera at Johnson's apartment, court filings show. That left some questions on the software's accuracy. State lawmakers recently passed legislation to tighten standards for witness identification on photo lineups. It requires police to tell witnesses a suspect might not be in the lineup, cutting pressure to pick a photo; 'filler' photos – the non-suspects — have to look as close to a suspect as possible, and a witness' 'confidence' will have to be recorded. It also requires police to corroborate an identification by facial recognition software with other evidence. The law goes into effect July 1.


Atlantic
2 hours ago
- Atlantic
The L.A. Distortion Effect
One hallmark of our current moment is that when an event happens, there is little collective agreement on even basic facts. This, despite there being more documentary evidence than ever before in history: Information is abundant, yet consensus is elusive. The ICE protests in Los Angeles over the past week offer an especially relevant example of this phenomenon. What has transpired is fairly clear: A series of ICE raids and arrests late last week prompted protests in select areas of the city, namely downtown, near a federal building where ICE has offices, and around City Hall and the Metropolitan Detention Center. There have been other protests south of there, around a Home Depot in Paramount, where Border Patrol agents gathered last week. The majority of these protests have been civil ('I mostly saw clergy sit-ins and Tejano bands,' The American Prospect 's David Dayen wrote). There has been some looting and property destruction. 'One group of vandals summoned several Waymo self-driving cars to the street next to the plaza where the city was founded and set them ablaze,' my colleague Nick Miroff, who has been present at the demonstrations, wrote. As is common in modern protests, there has also been ample viral footage from news organizations showing militarized police responding aggressively in encounters, sometimes without provocation. In one well-circulated clip, an officer in riot gear fires a nonlethal round directly at an Australian television correspondent carrying a microphone while on air; another piece of footage shot from above shows a police officer on horseback trampling a protester on the ground. All of these dynamics are familiar in the post-Ferguson era of protest. What you are witnessing is a news event distributed and consumed through a constellation of different still images and video clips, all filmed from different perspectives and presented by individuals and organizations with different agendas. It is a buffet of violence, celebration, confusion, and sensationalism. Consumed in aggregate, it might provide an accurate representation of the proceedings: a tense, potentially dangerous, but still contained response by a community to a brutal federal immigration crackdown. Unfortunately, very few people consume media this way. And so the protests follow the choose-your-own-adventure quality of a fractured media ecosystem, where, depending on the prism one chooses, what's happening in L.A. varies considerably. Anyone is capable of cherry-picking media to suit their arguments, of course, and social media has always narrowed the aperture of news events to fit particular viewpoints. Regardless of ideology, dramatic perspectives succeed on platforms. It is possible that one's impression of the protests would be incorrectly skewed if informed only by Bluesky commentators, MSNBC guests, or self-proclaimed rational centrists. The right, for example, has mocked the idea of 'mostly peaceful protests' as ludicrous when juxtaposed with video of what they see as evidence to the contrary. It's likely that my grasp of the events and their politics are shaped by decades of algorithmic social-media consumption. Yet the situation in L.A. only further clarifies the asymmetries among media ecosystems. This is not an even playing field. The right-wing media complex has a disproportionate presence and is populated by extreme personalities who have no problem embracing nonsense AI imagery and flagrantly untrue reporting that fits their agenda. Here you will find a loosely affiliated network of streamers, influencers, alternative social networks, extremely online vice presidents, and Fox News personalities who appear invested in portraying the L.A. protests as a full-blown insurrection. To follow these reports is to believe that people are not protesting but rioting throughout the city. In this alternate reality, the whole of Los Angeles is a bona fide war zone. (It is not, despite President Donald Trump's wildly disproportionate response, which includes deploying hundreds of U.S. Marines to the area and federalizing thousands of National Guard members.) I spent the better part of the week drinking from this particular firehose, reading X and Truth Social posts and watching videos from Rumble. On these platforms, the protests are less a news event than a justification for the authoritarian use of force. Nearly every image or video contains selectively chosen visuals of burning cars or Mexican flags unfurling in a smog of tear gas, and they're cycled on repeat to create a sense of overwhelming chaos. They have titles such as 'CIVIL WAR ALERT' and 'DEMOCRATS STOKE WW3!' All of this incendiary messaging is assisted by generative-AI images of postapocalyptic, smoldering city streets—pure propaganda to fill the gap between reality and the world as the MAGA faithful wish to see it. I've written before about how the internet has obliterated the monoculture, empowering individuals to cocoon themselves in alternate realities despite confounding evidence—it is a machine that justifies any belief. This is not a new phenomenon, but the problem is getting worse as media ecosystems mature and adjust to new technologies. On Tuesday, one of the top results for one user's TikTok search for Los Angeles curfew was an AI-generated video rotating through slop images of a looted city under lockdown. Even to the untrained eye, the images were easily identifiable as AI-rendered (the word curfew came out looking like ciuftew). Still, it's not clear that this matters to the people consuming and sharing the bogus footage. Even though such reality-fracturing has become a load-bearing feature of our information environment, the result is disturbing: Some percentage of Americans believes that one of the country's largest cities is now a hellscape, when, in fact, almost all residents of Los Angeles are going about their normal lives. On platforms such as Bluesky and Instagram, I've seen L.A. residents sharing pictures of themselves going about their day-to-day lives—taking out the trash, going to the farmers' market—and lots of pictures of the city's unmistakable skyline against the backdrop of a beautiful summer day. These are earnest efforts to show the city as it is (fine)—an attempt to wrest control of a narrative, albeit one that is actually based in truth. Yet it's hard to imagine any of this reaching the eyes of the people who participate in the opposing ecosystem, and even if it did, it's unclear whether it would matter. As I documented in October, after Hurricanes Helene and Milton destroyed parts of the United States, AI-generated images were used by Trump supporters 'to convey whatever partisan message suits the moment, regardless of truth.' In the cinematic universe of right-wing media, the L.A. ICE protests are a sequel of sorts to the Black Lives Matter protests of the summer of 2020. It doesn't matter that the size and scope have been different in Los Angeles (at present, the L.A. protests do not, for instance, resemble the 100-plus nights of demonstrations and clashes between protesters and police that took place in Portland, Oregon, in 2020): Influencers and broadcasters on the right have seized on the association with those previous protests, insinuating that this next installment, like all sequels, will be a bigger and bolder spectacle. Politicians are running the sequel playbook—Senator Tom Cotton, who wrote a rightly criticized New York Times op-ed in 2020 urging Trump to 'Send in the Troops' to quash BLM demonstrations, wrote another op-ed, this time for The Wall Street Journal, with the headline 'Send in the Troops, for Real.' (For transparency's sake, I should note that I worked for the Times opinion desk when the Cotton op-ed was published and publicly objected to it at the time.) There is a sequel vibe to so much of the Trump administration's second term. The administration's policies are more extreme, and there's a brazenness to the whole affair—nobody's even trying to justify the plot (or, in this case, cover up the corruption and dubious legality of the government's deportation regime). All of us, Trump supporters very much included, are treated as a captive audience, forced to watch whether we like it or not. This feeling has naturally trickled down to much of the discourse and news around Trump's second presidency, which feels (and generally is) direr, angrier, more intractable. The distortions are everywhere: People mainlining fascistic AI slop are occupying an alternate reality. But even those of us who understand the complexity of the protests are forced to live in our own bifurcated reality, one where, even as the internet shows us fresh horrors every hour, life outside these feeds may be continuing in ways that feel familiar and boring. We are living through the regime of a budding authoritarian—the emergency is here, now—yet our cities are not yet on fire in the way that many shock jocks say they are. The only way out of this mess begins with resisting the distortions. In many cases, the first step is to state things plainly. Los Angeles is not a lawless, postapocalyptic war zone. The right to protest is constitutionally protected, and protests have the potential to become violent—consider how Trump is attempting to use the force of the state to silence dissent against his administration. There are thousands more peaceful demonstrations scheduled nationally this weekend. The tools that promised to empower us, connect us, and bring us closer to the truth are instead doing the opposite. A meaningful percentage of American citizens appears to have dissociated from reality. In fact, many of them seem to like it that way.