Thailand & Cambodia agree unconditional CEASEFIRE on Trump's orders after 5 days of deadly clashes and F-16 airstrikes
It comes after Donald Trump intervened in the conflict and brought both sides to the negotiating table.
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Cambodian military vehicles drive away from the Cambodia-Thai border in Siem Reap on Monday
Credit: AP
The fighting flared last Thursday after a land mine explosion along the border wounded five Thai soldiers.
Both sides blamed each other for starting the clashes, that have killed at least 35 people and displaced more than 260,000 people on both sides.
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The Journal
3 hours ago
- The Journal
Q&A: What we know (and don't know) about the EU-US tariff deal
THE EU-US tariff deal, struck yesterday , will avoid a painful trade war between the transatlantic allies. The stakes were high, with a looming 1 August deadline set by Washington and a €1.65tr trading relationship on the line. Despite that, the agreement has not satisfied everyone. Many European leaders issued lukewarm statements throughout the day today, while Taoiseach Micheál Martin welcomed the agreement as an end to uncertainty for businesses. A full deal is yet to be fleshed out . An agreed 'framework' has laid out the broad principles of a deal, but negotiators will still need to hammer out the details in coming days, with a joint statement expected by the original 1 August deadline. The final agreement will need to be approved by all European leaders. US President Donald Trump will expectedly carry out the changes through executive orders, which bypasses a vote by the American parliament. So what was agreed? Both sides confirmed there will be a blanket 15% tariff rate on a majority of Irish goods exported to the US, the same level secured by Japan this month. While this means the European car sector actually sees a reduction in tariffs – from 27.% to 15% – the agreed rate is three-times higher than the tariffs before. Many European ministers pointed to this as their prime gripe with the deal . The European Commission described the deal as a step towards stabilising EU-US trade, with EU trade commissioner Maroš Šefčovič telling journalists that it was 'the best deal we could get under very difficult circumstances'. An opportunity presented itself to the EU during the deal, however. Many European governments are seeking to distance themselves from a long-term reliance on Russian energy . The EU has agreed to purchase €647m worth of liquefied natural gas, oil and nuclear fuels from the US over three years. It also said it would pour €517bn in additional investments in America, through the private sector. Advertisement Negotiating teams agreed to deals around energy products and fuel. Alamy Alamy As is the case with many of these agreements, the EU has also agreed to purchase 'significant amounts of US military equipment', according to the White House . This is a significant policy change from the European Commission, which as been promoting cross-member state trade of arms in recent months . One EU official was quick to pour cold water on this assessment, claiming it was not 'agreed or discussed'. That may suggest that the US expects EU member states to turn towards the American arms market for procurement in the near future. Blanket tariffs, you say. Are any goods tariff-free? So, we're still finding this out. The exact list of goods which will be exempt from tariffs will soon be finalised, Brussels said today. One EU official said the member states would also consider lowering levies on US cars, which are traditionally unpopular in Europe, to 0%. Machinery products and different types of fertilisers may also see zero-tariff rates, as an alternative to Russian sources. In exchange, the official said, Washington was expected to reduce tariffs on European aircraft, certain medical devices and some pharmaceuticals – for which the US largely depends on Irish imports. Discussions are ongoing about European alcohol exports becoming tariff-free – including wine and Irish whiskey. Discussions are ongoing about European alcohol exports becoming tariff-free - including wine and Irish whiskey. Alamy, file Alamy, file Irish Farmers Association President Francie Gorman said today that the agriculture industry were the 'fall guys' for EU trade policy. He questioned why the European negotiators could not achieve a lower rate of baseline tariffs, as the UK did previously. Workers' Union Siptu has demanded clarity for its members and is seeking immediate action from Ireland to protect jobs in specific sectors, such as pharmaceuticals, semiconductors and the drinks' industry, which may be impacted by tariffs. Related Reads 'Resorted to submission': Last-minute US tariff deal earns stinging criticism from EU leaders Are pharmaceuticals part of the EU-US tariff deal? And what's Section 232 got to do with it? 'A good deal for everybody': US and EU reach 15% tariff deal after Trump-von der Leyen meeting What about pharma? Any sector-specific tariffs? The White House is currently targeting pharmaceuticals and semiconductors – microchips which power mobile devices and digital machines. The US could potentially impose massive levies to attract American companies home. Ireland, home to thousands of multinational pharmaceutical manufacturers, hoped that there would be particular exemptions for medicines – a key industry here. Protecting pharmaceuticals was a priority in the EU's negotiations. An internal review by the US trade department is still ongoing over the legality of placing a levy on medical imports. Under American trade law, essential items, such as medicine and aircraft components, cannot be unfairly taxed. The US is reviewing the legality of placing a levy on medical imports. Alamy, file Alamy, file Tech firms with European bases in Dublin will not be directly impacted by tariffs on physical goods, but could be affected if the US changes tax laws to make it less attractive to set up in low-tax countries, said Andrew Kenningham from Capital Economics. Under the deal struck yesterday, the EU says the US has agreed that tariffs on pharmaceuticals and semiconductors will be capped at 15%. The White House said medicines and semiconductors would indeed be taxed at that rate. European steel, copper and aluminium are currently facing a 50% US tariff. The White House said those sectoral tariffs 'will remain unchanged' but that it would seek to ensure that the supply chains are not impacted. With reporting by AFP Readers like you are keeping these stories free for everyone... A mix of advertising and supporting contributions helps keep paywalls away from valuable information like this article. Over 5,000 readers like you have already stepped up and support us with a monthly payment or a once-off donation. Learn More Support The Journal
Irish Examiner
4 hours ago
- Irish Examiner
Paul Hosford: The game of roulette is sure to continue
And so the Donald Trump tariff roulette ball lands on 15. That is the percentage rate which EU and US goods will be subject to after weeks of showdown talks between the two parties. The deal will impose 15% tariffs on almost all European exports to the US, including the likes of cars. It brings what the government here is calling clarity, and avoids a 30% trade war between the two largest trade partners in the history of commerce. Privately, the message is similar across the board: it's not great, but it's not as bad as it could have been, which in an Irish context will mean tighter belts, but more of a watching brief in this year's budget. Most around the Irish government are of the opinion that the impact of tariffs will probably not be seen in its entirety this year, given the late stage at which the tariff framework has been agreed. What happens from here on out is where the challenge lies. Last week, the Government released its summer economic statement, which outlined a total budget package of €9.4bn. Included in this is €1.5bn in tax cuts and €7.9bn in increased spending. Though how much of that is already accounted for was not clear as public expenditure minister Jack Chambers and finance minister Paschal Donohoe released the document last Tuesday. The message from Mr Chambers has been that spending needs to moderate, particularly in a day-to-day sense. US president Donald Trump with European Commission President Ursula von der Leyen at the Trump Turnberry golf course in Scotland last Sunday. Picture: Jacquelyn Martin/AP The Government has been quick to play down the idea that October 7 will see an austerity budget, but it will probably be the closest that a generation of taxpayers can remember. This will be far from those swinging days of cuts and protests and febrile demonstrations, but it will not bring with it a huge expansion of spending. In part, that is because the budgets of recent years have seen a huge expansion of public expenditure. In Budget 2020, passed in October 2019, there was a total gross voted current expenditure of just under €62bn. Flash forward to last October, and that figure stood and a little over €90bn. The state cannot realistically continue to grow at a rate of tens of billions of euro in baked-in spending every five years. Some moderation was always going to happen. Beyond that, there is the simple fact that nobody knows whether this 15% tariff is here to stay. Given the continuing rate of change within the Trump administration on the issue of tariffs, there is no guarantee that we won't be back worrying about the future face of trade between the EU and the US in mere months. Who is to say that the next time Mr Trump has a domestic issue to quell, a 30% tariff is not back on the agenda? The summer economic statement published last week was done so on the basis the tariffs would be 10%. Ireland does two sets of economic projections a year in April and October, and so last week's figures were based on the situation as had been the case in April. The document itself says that, should the tariff situation worsen, there would be a need to look at Ireland's economic model. The document said that if the tariff landscape deteriorates, the government would "recalibrate" its fiscal strategy, reducing the quantum of the budgetary package. While 15% is not the worst spin of the roulette wheel, more challenges lie ahead.
Irish Times
5 hours ago
- Irish Times
Western liberalism at a political crossroads
The laws of hydraulics are broken. US president Donald Trump 's approval ratings have dropped to second-term lows, yet the Democratic Party 's have fallen even further. They ought to be soaring. Just a third of Americans approve of them. Much the same can be said of centrist and centre-left parties across the West. The odd one out is Canada. That is because Canadian prime minister Mark Carney 's Liberal party is the staunchest defender of Canada's sovereignty, the opposition having been too cosy with Trump. But Canada is the exception that proves the rule. Western liberalism is still on the retreat. Where liberal democratic parties are in power, normal hydraulics still work. A year after taking office, British prime minister Keir Starmer's Labour Party is lucky to poll at 25 per cent. Nigel Farage's seven-year-old populist Reform party is, meanwhile, attracting almost a third of voters. Less than three months after taking office, Germany's two big parties are neck and neck with far-right Alternative for Germany (AfD). This is despite (or maybe because) of the fact that German intelligence recently branded AfD as rightwing extremist. Of the big European nations, Italy's hard-right Giorgia Meloni has the highest approval rating In France, Marine Le Pen's far-right Rassemblement National likewise polls streets ahead of the other parties despite Le Pen having been debarred from running in the next presidential election. READ MORE Of the big European nations, Italy's hard-right Giorgia Meloni has the highest approval rating. Even Trump, who is sinking into a self-created doldrum, has his head above water. His recent 37 per cent Gallup rating is well above the Democratic Party. When the left is in office, populists make hay. When the right holds power, the left rarely does. For further evidence, see Binyamin Netanyahu's Israel and Narendra Modi's India. That there are multiple causes of western liberalism's malaise makes it harder to fix. Complexity encourages infighting. Long after Taylor Swift hits retirement age, Democrats will still be arguing over whether former US president Joe Biden was too old to run, or too selfish to step down sooner. They might also still be debating whether the left is too woke or not woke enough. Can the left in office do more to improve the economy for the blue-collar classes? Does immigration enrich society or further squeeze the working class? Should there be a wealth tax? Is Israel committing war crimes? Such questions reliably divide. Beyond the internal divisions, contemporary liberalism has two character defects that augur badly for its resurgence. The first is lack of conviction. It is all very well pointing out the dangers of Trump, Farage, Le Pen and others. It would be negligent not to. But making the negative case is not enough. 'I might not be beautiful but have you seen that ugly person next to me?' said no winner of a beauty contest ever. 'Stronger together', 'When we fight, we win' or campaign variations thereof do not mask the uncertainty beneath. As former US president Bill Clinton once said, strong and wrong always beats weak and right. Focus groups cannot solve this. Anyone entertaining the theory that the virus might have come from a Wuhan lab was dismissed as Sinophobic or worse Western liberalism's second defect is intolerance. American liberals were at their worst during the pandemic. That anti-vaxxer conservatives were even crazier should be no comfort. One day, it seemed, Dr Anthony Fauci was telling the United States that masks were not essential. The next, Rochelle Walensky, then head of the Centers for Disease Control was insisting that two-year-olds should be masked all day. Anyone entertaining the theory that the virus might have come from a Wuhan lab was dismissed as Sinophobic or worse. In December 2020, when vaccines became available, the Chicago Teachers Union tweeted: 'The push to reopen schools is rooted in sexism, racism, and misogyny.' Everyone could agree back then that otherwise liberal Sweden was foolish to take the herd immunity route. That Sweden ended up with one of the lowest mortality rates in Europe has not been similarly highlighted. Covid is not ancient history. Any survey probing why so many young voters are turning right that excludes their pandemic experience is wasting time. The road to recovery starts with looking in the mirror. The seminal book, In Covid's Wake: How Our Politics Failed Us , by two Princeton scholars, should be compulsory reading across the spectrum. That it has not been reviewed by most big newspapers is troubling. Expanding religions look for converts. Waning ones hunt down heretics. In form and content, western liberalism is dangerously close to the latter As social distancing rules go, so goes free speech. Liberals said, 'Follow the science', which confused science with faith. Science is a trial-and-error process that only works with openness to dissent. The same applies to political debate on campus, within newspapers, at think tanks and society at large. To many younger voters, particularly men, today's liberal establishment looks more like a conservative one. Educated elites confect orthodoxy on what we should say and do. The resemblance to high Victorianism is more than passing. Victorians regulated manners and etiquette. They also dreaded the mob. Expanding religions look for converts. Waning ones hunt down heretics. In form and content, western liberalism is dangerously close to the latter. The good news is that liberalism has rebounded after losing self-belief. The bad news is that it took a genocidal second World War to rediscover its necessity. Hoping that humanity is on a learning curve is not a strategy. The positive case for liberal democracy in today's world is still waiting to be heard. – Copyright The Financial Times Limited 2025
