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Mexico: Investigation underway after severed heads and human remains found

Mexico: Investigation underway after severed heads and human remains found

Herald Sun2 days ago
Don't miss out on the headlines from World. Followed categories will be added to My News.
Motorists have made a grisly discovery of severed human heads and remains on a road linking two Mexican states.
According to the AFP, authorities were called to the scene where they found six heads along a thoroughfare in central Mexico.
The remains were first reported by drivers using a road that links the states of Puebla and Tlaxcala, the prosecutors said.
A spokesman added the extreme violence is rarely see in the area.
Another head and other human remains were found in the western city of Colima, news outlets said Tuesday.
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Mexican authorities have located six severed heads in the country's central region. Picture: Getty Images
The heads found in Tlaxcala were those of men, the prosecutor's office said as it announced an investigation into the shocking crime.
Local media reported a pamphlet was found which blamed the violence on a settling of scores between gangs that rob fuel.
Both Puebla and Tlaxcala are to home to gangs that deal in drugs and fuel.
But these states are new to this kind of extreme violence more common in other parts of Mexico, which is plagued by drug-related brutality.
However in recent months bodies have been found in areas near the border between the two states.
Extreme violence – such as decapitation – is more common in northern states and along the Pacific coast where drug cartels operate in both.
On June 30 authorities found 20 bodies along a road in northwest Sinaloa state, five of them headless, as violence reached new heights.
The bodies of four of the victims were hung from a bridge on a main road.
Sinaloa cartel, one of Mexico's major drug-trafficking groups, has been locked in an almost year-long conflict with another one of its factions.
Drug lord Ismael "El Mayo" Zambada.
Mexican drug kingpin Joaquin "El Chapo" Guzman. Picture: Alfredo Estrella/AFP
The carnage escalated following the arrest of Ismael 'El Mayo' Zambada, an infamous drug lord who was arrested in July 2024 when he arrived into the US.
Zambada, aged in his 70s, had allegedly worked alongside Joaquin 'El Chapo' Guzman operating the cartel before the latter was sentenced to life in a Colorado jail.
'El Mayo' accused Guzman's son of betrayal by alerting authorities of his arrival to the US.
Zambada is expected to plead guilty to drug trafficking charges when he faces a New York court next week, after the US Justice Department said it would not see the death penalty.
The Mexican army was sent to Sinaloa state in a bid to prevent further violence between cartels but have struggled to stop the deadly carnage. Picture: Ivan Medina / AFP
Mexico's government had deployed thousands of soldiers to Sinaloa in a bid to end the violence that has left a reported 3000 people dead or missing.
However, they have struggled to put an end to the conflict.
In March 2022 six heads and other body parts were found on the roof of a car on the main street of Chilapa in the southern state of Guerrero.
Around 480,000 people have died in drug-related violence around Mexico since 2006, when the government deployed federal troops to take on the country's powerful drug cartels.
Originally published as Investigation underway after severed heads and human remains found in Mexico
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Sydney, NSW: Postie among three men charged over alleged $1.4m bank card fraud
Sydney, NSW: Postie among three men charged over alleged $1.4m bank card fraud

Herald Sun

time35 minutes ago

  • Herald Sun

Sydney, NSW: Postie among three men charged over alleged $1.4m bank card fraud

Don't miss out on the headlines from Breaking News. Followed categories will be added to My News. A postal worker has been charged with stealing bank cards from mail and supplying them to criminals in Sydney's east as part of what police allege is a $1.4m fraud scheme. The postie allegedly stole bank cards from the mail in Edgecliff, Woollahra, and Double Bay in Sydney's eastern suburbs. It is alleged the 56-year-old then supplied the stolen bank cards to two separate organised crime syndicates, with the cards then used to rack up more than $1.4m worth of fraud. Detectives raided five properties at Rockdale and Roselands on Wednesday morning. Police say they seized more than $14,000 in cash, stolen bank cards, electronics, and a swag of luxury items including watches, handbags, and jewellery among other items. Three men have been charged for allegedly supplying stolen bank cards to organised crime networks. Picture: NSW Police During search warrants, police seized designer items including a Rolex watch. Picture: NSW Police A 56-year-old man was arrested at one of the addresses in Rockdale. He was charged with 143 counts of dishonestly obtain financial advantage etc by deception, appropriate article in course of post relating to 70 pieces of mail, and participate in a criminal group. Cash was also seized during the search warrants. Picture: NSW Police A 35-year-old man was arrested at a second property in Rockdale. He was charged with 14 counts of dishonestly obtain financial advantage etc by deception, 50 counts of dishonestly obtain property by deception, receive stolen mail receptacles/articles/postal messages, possess prohibited drug and participate in a criminal group. Both men have been refused bail and appeared at Sutherland Local Court on Thursday. Police expect further arrests as the operation continues. Picture: NSW Police A 27-year-old man was arrested in one of the raids at Roselands. He was charged with 76 counts of dishonestly obtain financial advantage etc by deception, three attempt to dishonestly obtain financial advantage etc by deception and fail to comply digital evidence access order direction. He was refused bail and faced Bankstown Local Court on Thursday. NSW Financial Crimes Squad launched Strike Force Rubi to investigate the alleged scheme, with assistance from Australia Post. Police are anticipating further arrests to be made as investigations continue. Originally published as Postie among three men charged over alleged $1.4m bank card fraud in Sydney's eastern suburbs

The surprising phone call that started to unravel a years-long mystery
The surprising phone call that started to unravel a years-long mystery

The Age

time2 hours ago

  • The Age

The surprising phone call that started to unravel a years-long mystery

The surprising call to me and my colleague, Chris Masters, a fortnight ago was from Keelty himself. The former AFP commissioner wanted to talk. It turned out these events have plagued him for half a decade. He was emotional. The story caused him professional scars and personal heartache, and he wanted his side told. In his view, the police investigation into the information leak had caused an injustice that cost two men their cherished careers and perhaps millions of dollars of taxpayers' money – and ended up finding nothing. Compounding the fault, according to Keelty, was the ongoing determination by the police to keep the details of the whole debacle hidden from the public. I know how hard they've fought because, since 2021, I've been trying to wrest the information out of the AFP using a freedom of information request. That battle has been waged and blocked, time and again, up and down the court system, and still not a word of information has been released. Loading 'It's a cover-up,' Keelty told me. Even if it damages his own reputation, he says, he wants the public to know the truth. Which takes us back to what happened in mid-2018, when Keelty twice met Roberts-Smith. It was a dual mission, Keelty says – firstly, a welfare check, and secondly to recruit the big soldier on behalf of consultancy firm Accenture. Before the meetings, though, Keelty asked around the senior echelons of police. He says he wanted to know if there was anything he should avoid saying. He calls it 'deconflicting' the conversation. So over a couple of weeks, he spoke to the three most senior cops – the then-commissioner, Andrew Colvin, and two of his deputies, Ramzi Jabbour and Neil Gaughan. Keelty believes they should have warned him to avoid meeting Roberts-Smith, but they did not. During Keelty's first meeting with the 'not all that bright' ex-soldier, Roberts-Smith appeared to mistake the former cop for an active AFP representative (Keelty had retired almost a decade earlier). Then after the meeting, Roberts-Smith, whose phone was tapped, immediately told confidants he now believed a police investigation had been launched. But if Keelty had leaked the information to Roberts-Smith, who had given it to Keelty? Gaughan, who had ultimate oversight of the Roberts-Smith investigation, suspected his fellow deputy commissioner, Jabbour. Loading Gaughan instigated an internal investigation – Operation Geranium. In an affidavit prepared for the freedom of information case, Keelty said that, at the time, Jabbour had been 'one of the leading contenders to become the AFP commissioner'. Appointed to run the internal investigation were two officers that Jabbour had previously disciplined and moved out of the professional standards division. They tapped Jabbour's phone and, in March the following year, he was stood down from his job. He resigned soon after. Jabbour told me last week that, at the time, he had known nothing about either Roberts-Smith – he was out of the loop and everyone knew that – or Operation Geranium. But for two years, the investigation drifted on. When the leak to Keelty could not be substantiated, internal investigators looked at other alleged misdemeanours. Eventually, two low-level, completely unrelated, charges were laid against Jabbour (misusing police time to help someone with their homework and carrying a weapon without permission). Both were unceremoniously thrown out by an ACT magistrate in March 2021. Two years later, Jabbour extracted a letter from the police anti-corruption commission saying: 'The evidence obtained during the investigation did not support [corruption] … allegations … All matters have now been finalised with no adverse findings against you.' Jabbour says it was a 'perfect storm' for his career. Keelty lost his job as the inspector-general of the Murray Darling Basin Commission – what he describes as the 'best job I ever had'. 'It's all but broken me. All for trying to do the right thing by everyone,' Keelty told me. 'But I'm not looking for sympathy, but I am looking for honesty and I am looking for the truth to come out.' I'd like the same thing. Four years ago, in 2021, I lodged my freedom of information request. I asked for the statements to Operation Geranium of Colvin, Gaughan and internal investigations head Nigel Ryan, as well as the final report. The police knocked my request back, citing a spaghetti of clauses and sub-clauses. Large parts of the documents were irrelevant, the police said. They would prejudice the enforcement of a law, have a 'substantial adverse effect on the management of personnel', damage the 'proper and efficient conduct of the operations of an agency', and involve the unreasonable disclosure of personal information. They then turned down an internal review. The official appeal body (the Office of the Information Commissioner) dodged the question and referred it to the Administrative Appeals Tribunal. The tribunal member heard the case and knocked us back there, too. So profoundly supportive of the police position was he that he added a new reason for refusal that they hadn't thought of. Each time the police argued their case, the reasons for denying my request morphed. We appealed to the Federal Court. There, a full bench of three judges – who had read the documents – thoroughly rebuked the tribunal member and demolished the police arguments. Many parts of the documents could safely be released, and there was a clear and over-riding public interest. 'To lose sight of that would be to lose sight of the principal object of the FOI Act,' said the key judgment. 'Scrutiny, discussion, comment and review of the activities of the Commonwealth government and its agencies, and the conduct of those performing functions on their behalf, is a public purpose.' Loading To sort out the details, the judges referred the case back to the tribunal. It had been so long that, in the meantime, the tribunal's name had changed. This gave the police one more chance to oppose us. So, of course, they have. This time, they're arguing that to release these documents would deter everyone in the AFP who sees corruption from coming forward to report it. So ridiculous is this contention that it prompted Keelty to call us. As a result, we now know a lot more about these events than we did. We know why Keelty made the dreadful misstep of agreeing to meet Roberts-Smith. We have Keelty's account of whom he spoke to before that meeting, and a plausible theory of how Roberts-Smith came to the view he was under investigation. We know whom Roberts-Smith called after the meeting and, roughly, what he said. And we've seen the previously secret note that kicked off the internal investigation. We also know that the police are protecting neither Keelty nor Jabbour by keeping these documents under wraps. Both men rejected requests from the police lawyers to help them in the freedom of information case, and both are now on the record saying they want the documents released. Jabbour told me: 'My hope, to be honest, is that the experience isn't forgotten and can serve as a catalyst for genuine reform. Because I think the integrity framework shouldn't be vulnerable to weaponisation, which I think is what has occurred in this case.' Keelty has sworn an affidavit supporting our case. To his credit, so far, the tribunal's president has shown little patience for the AFP's dissembling. He told their lawyers last week he wanted to see all the documents – including ones they were withholding from him. They should, he warned, employ 'common sense'. That would be nice. What we're still not sure about is why they're fighting so hard. Initially, I thought they were protecting a wrongdoer. Now I'm inclined to think they're covering for good old-fashioned incompetence. Perhaps they're opposing this – at the expense of hundreds of thousands, or millions, of taxpayer dollars – out of pure embarrassment. And the FOI Act has something very clear to say about that: s.11 B 4 (a): 'The following factors must not be taken into account in deciding whether access to the document [is in] the public interest: … Embarrassment … or cause a loss of confidence.' Loading The FOI battle returns to the tribunal for a hearing next week. And as for Roberts-Smith? Well, a further catastrophic AFP stuff-up in the war crimes investigation – unrelated to Keelty or Jabbour – meant the federal police were taken off the case five years after it began. A whole new prosecution body, the Office of the Special Investigator, was established to carry it forward.

The surprising phone call that started to unravel a years-long mystery
The surprising phone call that started to unravel a years-long mystery

Sydney Morning Herald

time2 hours ago

  • Sydney Morning Herald

The surprising phone call that started to unravel a years-long mystery

The surprising call to me and my colleague, Chris Masters, a fortnight ago was from Keelty himself. The former AFP commissioner wanted to talk. It turned out these events have plagued him for half a decade. He was emotional. The story caused him professional scars and personal heartache, and he wanted his side told. In his view, the police investigation into the information leak had caused an injustice that cost two men their cherished careers and perhaps millions of dollars of taxpayers' money – and ended up finding nothing. Compounding the fault, according to Keelty, was the ongoing determination by the police to keep the details of the whole debacle hidden from the public. I know how hard they've fought because, since 2021, I've been trying to wrest the information out of the AFP using a freedom of information request. That battle has been waged and blocked, time and again, up and down the court system, and still not a word of information has been released. Loading 'It's a cover-up,' Keelty told me. Even if it damages his own reputation, he says, he wants the public to know the truth. Which takes us back to what happened in mid-2018, when Keelty twice met Roberts-Smith. It was a dual mission, Keelty says – firstly, a welfare check, and secondly to recruit the big soldier on behalf of consultancy firm Accenture. Before the meetings, though, Keelty asked around the senior echelons of police. He says he wanted to know if there was anything he should avoid saying. He calls it 'deconflicting' the conversation. So over a couple of weeks, he spoke to the three most senior cops – the then-commissioner, Andrew Colvin, and two of his deputies, Ramzi Jabbour and Neil Gaughan. Keelty believes they should have warned him to avoid meeting Roberts-Smith, but they did not. During Keelty's first meeting with the 'not all that bright' ex-soldier, Roberts-Smith appeared to mistake the former cop for an active AFP representative (Keelty had retired almost a decade earlier). Then after the meeting, Roberts-Smith, whose phone was tapped, immediately told confidants he now believed a police investigation had been launched. But if Keelty had leaked the information to Roberts-Smith, who had given it to Keelty? Gaughan, who had ultimate oversight of the Roberts-Smith investigation, suspected his fellow deputy commissioner, Jabbour. Loading Gaughan instigated an internal investigation – Operation Geranium. In an affidavit prepared for the freedom of information case, Keelty said that, at the time, Jabbour had been 'one of the leading contenders to become the AFP commissioner'. Appointed to run the internal investigation were two officers that Jabbour had previously disciplined and moved out of the professional standards division. They tapped Jabbour's phone and, in March the following year, he was stood down from his job. He resigned soon after. Jabbour told me last week that, at the time, he had known nothing about either Roberts-Smith – he was out of the loop and everyone knew that – or Operation Geranium. But for two years, the investigation drifted on. When the leak to Keelty could not be substantiated, internal investigators looked at other alleged misdemeanours. Eventually, two low-level, completely unrelated, charges were laid against Jabbour (misusing police time to help someone with their homework and carrying a weapon without permission). Both were unceremoniously thrown out by an ACT magistrate in March 2021. Two years later, Jabbour extracted a letter from the police anti-corruption commission saying: 'The evidence obtained during the investigation did not support [corruption] … allegations … All matters have now been finalised with no adverse findings against you.' Jabbour says it was a 'perfect storm' for his career. Keelty lost his job as the inspector-general of the Murray Darling Basin Commission – what he describes as the 'best job I ever had'. 'It's all but broken me. All for trying to do the right thing by everyone,' Keelty told me. 'But I'm not looking for sympathy, but I am looking for honesty and I am looking for the truth to come out.' I'd like the same thing. Four years ago, in 2021, I lodged my freedom of information request. I asked for the statements to Operation Geranium of Colvin, Gaughan and internal investigations head Nigel Ryan, as well as the final report. The police knocked my request back, citing a spaghetti of clauses and sub-clauses. Large parts of the documents were irrelevant, the police said. They would prejudice the enforcement of a law, have a 'substantial adverse effect on the management of personnel', damage the 'proper and efficient conduct of the operations of an agency', and involve the unreasonable disclosure of personal information. They then turned down an internal review. The official appeal body (the Office of the Information Commissioner) dodged the question and referred it to the Administrative Appeals Tribunal. The tribunal member heard the case and knocked us back there, too. So profoundly supportive of the police position was he that he added a new reason for refusal that they hadn't thought of. Each time the police argued their case, the reasons for denying my request morphed. We appealed to the Federal Court. There, a full bench of three judges – who had read the documents – thoroughly rebuked the tribunal member and demolished the police arguments. Many parts of the documents could safely be released, and there was a clear and over-riding public interest. 'To lose sight of that would be to lose sight of the principal object of the FOI Act,' said the key judgment. 'Scrutiny, discussion, comment and review of the activities of the Commonwealth government and its agencies, and the conduct of those performing functions on their behalf, is a public purpose.' Loading To sort out the details, the judges referred the case back to the tribunal. It had been so long that, in the meantime, the tribunal's name had changed. This gave the police one more chance to oppose us. So, of course, they have. This time, they're arguing that to release these documents would deter everyone in the AFP who sees corruption from coming forward to report it. So ridiculous is this contention that it prompted Keelty to call us. As a result, we now know a lot more about these events than we did. We know why Keelty made the dreadful misstep of agreeing to meet Roberts-Smith. We have Keelty's account of whom he spoke to before that meeting, and a plausible theory of how Roberts-Smith came to the view he was under investigation. We know whom Roberts-Smith called after the meeting and, roughly, what he said. And we've seen the previously secret note that kicked off the internal investigation. We also know that the police are protecting neither Keelty nor Jabbour by keeping these documents under wraps. Both men rejected requests from the police lawyers to help them in the freedom of information case, and both are now on the record saying they want the documents released. Jabbour told me: 'My hope, to be honest, is that the experience isn't forgotten and can serve as a catalyst for genuine reform. Because I think the integrity framework shouldn't be vulnerable to weaponisation, which I think is what has occurred in this case.' Keelty has sworn an affidavit supporting our case. To his credit, so far, the tribunal's president has shown little patience for the AFP's dissembling. He told their lawyers last week he wanted to see all the documents – including ones they were withholding from him. They should, he warned, employ 'common sense'. That would be nice. What we're still not sure about is why they're fighting so hard. Initially, I thought they were protecting a wrongdoer. Now I'm inclined to think they're covering for good old-fashioned incompetence. Perhaps they're opposing this – at the expense of hundreds of thousands, or millions, of taxpayer dollars – out of pure embarrassment. And the FOI Act has something very clear to say about that: s.11 B 4 (a): 'The following factors must not be taken into account in deciding whether access to the document [is in] the public interest: … Embarrassment … or cause a loss of confidence.' Loading The FOI battle returns to the tribunal for a hearing next week. And as for Roberts-Smith? Well, a further catastrophic AFP stuff-up in the war crimes investigation – unrelated to Keelty or Jabbour – meant the federal police were taken off the case five years after it began. A whole new prosecution body, the Office of the Special Investigator, was established to carry it forward.

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