
African Transformation Movement replaces president in bid to grow party
The African Transformation Movement (ATM) has replaced its long-standing president, Vuyolwethu Zungula. (@ATMovement_SA/Twitter)
The
The party on Monday confirmed the appointment of Nongqunga, the Chief Apostle of the Twelve Apostles' Church in Christ, as the new president of the ATM.
Zungula, who co-founded the party and has led it since its registration in 2018, will remain in his position as parliamentary leader.
ATM spokesperson Zama Ntshona said the decision was aimed at separating organisational and parliamentary responsibilities to help the party expand its reach.
'This is a strategic move by the national executive committee. We hope it will help the party gain more followers and strengthen both our parliamentary and grassroots structures,' he said.
Ntshona said the division of power would enable Zungula to focus on the party's image in parliament, and he would remain the face of the party during elections.
Nongqunga was instrumental in the formation of the ATM and has long been associated with the party's messaging around morality, community upliftment and religious values.
Ntshona said his appointment is part of the ATM's intention to further embed its presence in communities through a faith-based and service delivery-driven approach.
The party praised Zungula's contributions during his seven-year tenure, saying he had 'led the ATM with unwavering dedication' and played a key role in advocating for the downtrodden and voiceless in parliament.
The leadership reshuffle comes amid stagnant electoral performance for the ATM. In the 2019 general election, it secured 0.44% of the national vote and in the 2024 polls, it garnered 0.4%.
Despite maintaining its two seats in the National Assembly, the ATM has failed to expand its electoral footprint. This plateau in support is viewed internally as a sign that the party must recalibrate its strategy, especially in an increasingly competitive political landscape shaped by voter fatigue and the rise of new political formations such as the uMkhonto weSizwe (MK) party.
The ATM said it hopes that appointing Nongqunga will reinvigorate its grassroots appeal and offer a 'fresh direction' ahead of the 2026 local government elections.
He holds multiple qualifications, including a Doctor of Theology, a Doctor of Religious Education and degrees in civil engineering and business administration.
His track record includes initiating agricultural projects, funding education for disadvantaged learners and creating job opportunities in rural areas. The ATM hopes this will resonate with voters who are increasingly disillusioned with political parties.
The ATM has pockets of support in the Eastern Cape and KwaZulu-Natal.
Nongqunga's appointment comes amid a broader shift in South African politics, where smaller parties are positioning themselves to take advantage of voter fatigue with the ANC and disillusionment with coalition instability in metros.
Ntshona said the leadership handover was about playing to the strengths of both leaders. 'We believe Professor Nongqunga's community-driven leadership style will complement
honourable Zungula's strong legislative voice,' he said.
The move follows criticism of Zungula by party members over his announcement that the ATM would campaign alongside the MK party in next year's local government elections to attract more supporters.
Fears from ATM insiders are that the party will be 'swallowed' by the MK party. They used the relationship between the ANC and the
In March, the MK party announced in a joint statement with the ATM that the parties would work together in all by-elections before the 2026 local government elections and the 2029 general elections.
According to the statement, the modalities of the MK party and the ATM working together will be presented to the leadership and membership of both parties in the spirit of building unity among the 'progressive forces' in South Africa.
The ATM already has a working relationship with the MK party in parliament through the so-called progressive caucus.
At the time Zungula told the
Hashtags

Try Our AI Features
Explore what Daily8 AI can do for you:
Comments
No comments yet...
Related Articles


Mail & Guardian
7 hours ago
- Mail & Guardian
Moeletsi Mbeki criticises ‘ruling political elites' for ‘milking' South Africa's economy
Political analyst Moeletsi Mbeki has indicted South Africa's 'ruling political elites' for contributing to the country's economic dysfunction Political analyst Moeletsi Mbeki has indicted South Africa's 'ruling political elites' for contributing to the country's economic dysfunction by milking state coffers, while urging the private sector to get involved in finding a solution. Speaking at a Xubera Institute for Research and Development forum near Durban last Friday, 'South Africa has one problem — and please don't listen to Mbeki highlighted the minerals sector as providing a stark illustration of the economy's systemic failure. With minerals accounting for 60% of South Africa's exports, the ongoing war between the Minerals Council, representing major producers, and Mineral Resources Minister Gwede Mantashe, showed a self-destructive pattern of political interference that threatened the nation's economic lifeline, Mbeki warned. 'Why is the minister of mines fighting the mining industry instead of working with the mining industry?' he asked, referring to the dispute that started with a review of the 2018 Mbeki traced the roots of the current economic crisis to the country's fundamental power 'Before that date, political power rested with property owners — the owners of mines, banks and supermarkets. What happened was a transfer of political power from people who owned property to people who don't own assets,' he said. 'The new rulers don't have land, don't have mines, don't have banks, don't have shops. So where do they live off? They live off the state.' As a result, the political elite were 'milking' the state coffers with the public sector wage bill having ballooned to an unprecedented 17% of GDP — the highest globally. By comparison, developed economies allocate just 10% to public sector wages. The government collects about R2 trillion annually, Mbeki said, with 84% immediately consumed by two line items — public sector wages and debt servicing. This leaves virtually nothing for infrastructure, development or economic expansion. He noted that the International Monetary Fund had repeatedly warned about the unsustainability of South Africa's public sector spending. 'The department of finance [the treasury] a year or so ago, revealed that more than 55 000 public sector employees, including politicians and ministers, more than 55 000 of them earn more than a million rands a year. If you walk into the national parliament, you walk in there and fall asleep, which many of them do. You earn R1.2 million. But without doing anything, just walking in,' he said. 'There aren't many businesses that are profitable that give a livelihood to one individual of a million rands a year … The controllers of political power use their political power to enrich themselves through the public service. They are milking, literally milking, the whole economy to pay themselves fabulous salaries.' Mbeki said the business elite, which employs 75% of people in South Africa, was finding itself increasingly paralysed as it faced the threat of expropriation without compensation and had adopted a survival strategy of minimal investment. According to the latest data from Statistics South Africa, youth unemployment is about 65% and the expanded unemployment rate, which includes discouraged job seekers, stands at 44.1% — a ticking time bomb of social instability. 'When you have such a large population that's not working, then that's a recipe for disaster, and many of these non-working people are young people under the age of 35, so you're sitting on a time bomb,' Mbeki said. South African Reserve Bank data shows that private sector fixed investment has declined for seven consecutive quarters, with business confidence at its lowest levels in decades. The South African Chamber of Commerce and Industry's business confidence index has been below the neutral 50-point mark for 36 consecutive months. 'If you own an asset, and you have a threat of your assets being seized without compensation, what will you do? You invest as little as possible just to keep your business ticking,' Mbeki said. About R1 trillion was sitting idle in current accounts, with businesses refusing to invest because of political uncertainty, he said. South Africa's policies on land and property, including the recently signed Despite joining President Cyril Ramaphosa's ANC in a government of national unity last year, the former main opposition Democratic Alliance (DA) has maintained its opposition to such legislation, launching court challenges to both the Ramaphosa defended the policies in parliament last month, arguing that racial redress after apartheid was not a hindrance to economic growth, but an essential step towards broadening black participation in the economy to spur growth. Mbeki said he believed the ANC would not actually implement the 'This is all posturing. They haven't got the guts to do it. They think it will win them the election, but Trump has called their bluff, so now we saw them shivering in front of Trump in the White House … that's what happens when you bluff,' he said. He was referring to Mbeki said 68% of South Africans live in urban areas and depend on commercial farmers for food security. Responding to a question from a man in the audience about land redistribution, he said: 'If we take the land from the present commercial farmers and give it to my brother's family there, they can't produce to feed the population. 'They haven't got the capital, they haven't got the skills, they haven't got all the things that you need to be able to run a productive commercial farm in South Africa today. That is reality we have to live with.' He said agricultural exports were also important to the economy because they accounted for about 15% of the country's total exports. Mbeki said the political landscape offered little hope with parties such as ActionSA and the DA offering no substantive economic solutions. 'The DA is a middle-class party, like the ANC is a middle-class party, like ActionSA is a middle-class party. Doesn't matter whether you're white or black, they're a middle-class party and they defend the interests of the middle classes,' he said. 'They haven't changed the structure of the economy. They haven't come up with a strategy for overcoming the 40% unemployment that we're sitting with in this country. 'We have to bring down the standard of living of the public sector employees and we have to dilute the power of the propertyless political elite. That has to be diluted with the power of the workers, the power of the poor and the power of the capitalist. They have to dilute the power of the middle class that is now dominant in our political system.' Drawing a comparison with South Korea, Mbeki highlighted the opportunity cost of South Africa's political model. In 1950, the two countries were economically comparable. Today, the Korean economy is nearly three times the size of South Africa's. 'Korea invested in its human resources. Their life expectancy is nearly 80, ours is 61. That's what investing in human capital means,' he said. Mbeki dismissed the notion that some white South Africans longed for a return of apartheid. 'Apartheid will never come back in South Africa. The notion that white people want apartheid back is totally not true … A huge part of the white population did not support apartheid,' he said. Mbeki urged business to get involved in politics to rescue the economy. 'We need more active political activity from the owners of capital in South Africa, because without their participation, as I showed, they control most of the skilled labour force in this country, without their labour force, without their management skills, we can't have both calls like this one.' 'Property owners have to intervene in the political system and become political participants. This is one of the problems we have in South Africa — that the owners of capital only act when we're on the edge of the precipice.' Xubera Institute for Research and Development founder Xolani Dube said the country was facing a catastrophe and people had been 'zombified' into not confronting it. 'Possibly those who crafted this catastrophe were fully aware of the people they are dealing with — they are dealing with people who are docile. So, what Xubera is trying to do is to conscientise people about the issues facing our country,' Dube said. 'Unfortunately, the more we discuss, others are digging the grave for us so, in a way, we have submerged in this hollow grave and unfortunately we are dragging our kids into this grave. And when we rise, we rise for our own selfish issues, but not the issues that bind us all. That's the sad part.' He said the country's economic situation was due to the government's previous bad decisions. 'It's the sins of our fathers that we are now dealing with. It's poor policy decisions — R600 billion that was spent on bailing out state- owned entities. This is the type of situation that we've inherited that we now need to deal with,' he said. 'But you now have a multi-party government in the province of KwaZulu-Natal, not a one-party dominant government, and it means there's more accountability, but you are never going to change the inherited system overnight. 'It's going to take time to turn it around but I would suggest that we're in an exciting and vibrant political situation with challenges. We understand those challenges but we need to collectively start taking an active interest in politics and in political parties.'


Mail & Guardian
7 hours ago
- Mail & Guardian
The ANC has lost power, yet is still committed to constitutionalism
When the Madiba party lost its parliamentary majority in 2024 it formed a government of national unity. Photo: Delwyn Verasamy If there were to be anything to credit the ANC for, what that thing might be or look like? In some circles, there is a consensus that this thing might be its commitment to the ideals of constitutional democracy and the rule of law, albeit working within the constrained space of the government of national unity (GNU). The Madiba party must have felt deeply hurt and hamstrung to have lost their absolute parliamentary majority on 29 May 2024 but, thank goodness, they did not usurp power by military force, using unconventional means, such as setting the army on the people to keep political power intact, almost tongue in cheek, contradicting former president Jacob Zuma's infamous assertion that the ANC would rule the country until the second coming of Jesus Christ. It is historically true that many former liberation movements have faced a decline in popularity due to a number of factors, including unfulfilled promises of changing people's lives for the better, widespread corruption, poor governance and incompetence. In the case of Zimbabwe, Zanu-PF's loss of political power caused a great rift between the ruling party and the populace — a factor that led to state violence and the hounding of perceived 'political enemies'. There were new challenges in the political landscape, including, as happened in Matabeleland, mass killings in which dissidents — those opposed to Robert Mugabe's rule, were executed. They were chillingly butchered in what would be known as Gukurahundi — a series of mass killings of political dissidents in Zimbabwe committed in the 1980s — on the orders of former president Mugabe. Mugabe faced significant challenges in maintaining his party's popularity and power as Zimbabwe experienced economic decline and political repression. Instead of addressing the underlying issues, he and his party employed a range of tactics to suppress dissent and cling to power, including manipulating the electoral system, restricting the media and engaging in violence against opponents. Ultimately, these tactics were ineffective in the long run and contributed to the 2017 coup that led to Mugabe's resignation. Swapo, Namibia's ruling party, has faced declining popularity due to economic challenges, corruption scandals and internal divisions, leading to a shift in political dynamics. While still the dominant force, the party's dominance has weakened and opposition parties are gaining ground, particularly among younger voters. Swapo has responded to these challenges by addressing the root causes of the decline, such as economic issues and corruption, but also by attempting to solidify its support base through various strategies. In essence, Swapo's handling of its declining popularity involves acknowledging and addressing the problems it faces while also employing tactics to maintain its dominance in Namibian politics. Despite the loss of their outright majority in the national elections of 2024, the ANC continues to remain a significant player in the country's political landscape, committed to constitutionalism, democracy and the rule of law. Although disappointed with the loss of the unfettered power it enjoyed between 1994 and 2024, today the ANC has skilfully stitched together 'dependable' partners to run the country. The partnership includes the Pan Africanist Congress of Azania (PAC), whose president, Mzwanele Nyhontso, enjoys less than 1% parliamentary representation, yet President Cyril Ramaphosa has graciously offered him a cabinet position. What can be read into this gesture? The ANC has been walking a political tightrope. In its political calculations it did not think either the Economic Freedom Fighters or the uMkhonto weSizwe party would be a dependable partner in the GNU. The PAC, which was once led by one of the most revered Africanist struggle icons, Robert Mangaliso Sobukwe, remains a credible liberation struggle movement, even with its small parliamentary representation. Nyhontso, whose party is a proponent of land restoration, which the PAC insists must be accompanied by the return of land to the indigenous people — the African people — was given the position of minister of land reform in the GNU. He has committed to fight tooth and nail to have the land returned to the indigenous people. But, with the decline in electoral support, the ANC joins other liberation movements in Africa which, like them, had previously enjoyed strong support as champions of national independence and liberation from colonial rule. This can be attributed to various factors, according to political analysts and other experts, including a change in voter demographics. The younger generations, who didn't experience the harshness of colonialism or apartheid, bring a new dynamic to the political scene, which relates to economic inequality and the need for job creation. For example, the high rate of youth unemployment has become a concern to young prospective voters. In the first quarter of this year, the youth unemployment rate peaked at 46.1%. The youth are not going to put up with this. Politicians' promise that things might look better tomorrow do nothing to calm the anxieties of unemployed young voters. This is exacerbated by allegations of corruption, something that erodes public trust. The ANC, in the past decade, through the leadership of Zuma, experienced a phenomenon in which the country's economic wealth was mortgaged to the Gupta brothers, who are fugitives from justice. Despite the fact that the Zondo commission established in its investigation that multiple incidents of state capture took place in government departments and state-owned enterprises during his presidency, Zuma has stubbornly sought to distance himself from the malfeasance that took place under his watch. Attempting to make sense of the ANC's electoral decline, chief executive officer of the Mapungubwe Institute for Strategic Reflections, Joel Netshitenzhe, wrote in a report: 'Virtually all analyses of the elections converge at the self-evident conclusion that a fundamental shift has occurred in South Africa's body politic. 'But, in large measure, that is where the consensus ends. Among the questions that need further interrogation is whether the plummeting of the ANC's support implies the death of the liberation idea.' The ANC has for a long time been seen as the 'glorious movement of the people'. As the oldest liberation movement in Africa, it is recognised for the pivotal role it played in dismantling apartheid and for leading the country's transition to democracy. Yet, it may not escape criticism for harbouring in its midst leaders such as Zuma, whose presidency allowed corruption to thrive. The ANC is facing new realities. It is no longer the dominant political force. It has to adapt to a more competitive political environment with the renewal project revamped, the decibels of internal wrangles lowered — all of this for the sake of regaining public trust. But, more encouraging, is that it seems the ANC can be trusted as a political party committed to ensuring the country remains a constitutional democracy, despite its own setbacks and the loss of its outright parliamentary majority. Jo-Mangaliso Mdhlela is an independent journalist, a social justice activist, an ex-trade unionist and an Anglican priest.


The South African
8 hours ago
- The South African
African Transformation Movement: Party rings in leadership changes
The African Transformation Movement executive committee named Professor Caesar Nongqunga as its new president. Vuyolwethu Zungula, the former president, focuses on legislative duties to increase national visibility before the 2026 local government elections. Professor Caesar Nongqunga founded the political party and is the chief apostle of the Twelve Apostles Church in Christ. His work, leading housing and community programmes, shapes the party's strategy based on faith. The organisation claims the change in leadership is to get more support from the ground up before the upcoming elections. Analysts warn that mixing religion and politics could be a threat to South Africa's secular framework. Vuyolwethu Zungula is no longer the political party's president, but he is still influential in Parliament. He supports laws that limit foreign interference, is against unregulated immigration, and supports land reforms. On 9 June, SABC News confirmed that Zungula is still dedicated to pushing the movement's policy agenda in the National Assembly. Political experts say that this separation of powers is meant to make both campaigning for office and parliamentary influence easier. According to political reporter Natasha Phiri, Professor Nongqunga's primary objectives are to re-establish ties with the faith-based organisations and increase visibility at the local level. Critics wonder if this structure could cause confusion within or make it harder to hold people accountable. Spokesperson Zama Ntshona clarifies that the division of leadership positions is done to simplify the organisation's operations. The move is a political strategy to improve electoral success and institutional focus in 2026. The African Transformation Movement's recent deal to work with the uMkhonto we Sizwe political party has raised questions about politics. According to Natasha Phiri of SABC News, both sides will back each other's candidates in the upcoming by-elections. Even though a coalition could improve regional performance. Coalition talks must be open and honest to keep the public's trust. Let us know by leaving a comment below, or send a WhatsApp to 060 011 021 11. Subscribe to The South African website's newsletters and follow us on WhatsApp, Facebook, X and Bluesky for the latest news