
Moeletsi Mbeki criticises ‘ruling political elites' for ‘milking' South Africa's economy
Political analyst Moeletsi Mbeki has indicted South Africa's 'ruling political elites' for contributing to the country's economic dysfunction by milking state coffers, while urging the private sector to get involved in finding a solution.
Speaking at a Xubera Institute for Research and Development forum near Durban last Friday,
'South Africa has one problem — and please don't listen to
Mbeki highlighted the minerals sector as providing a stark illustration of the economy's systemic failure.
With minerals accounting for 60% of South Africa's exports, the ongoing war between the Minerals Council, representing major producers, and Mineral Resources Minister Gwede Mantashe, showed a self-destructive pattern of political interference that threatened the nation's economic lifeline, Mbeki warned.
'Why is the minister of mines fighting the mining industry instead of working with the mining industry?' he asked, referring to the dispute that started with a review of the 2018
Mbeki traced the roots of the current economic crisis to the country's fundamental power
'Before that date, political power rested with property owners — the owners of mines, banks and supermarkets. What happened was a transfer of political power from people who owned property to people who don't own assets,' he said.
'The new rulers don't have land, don't have mines, don't have banks, don't have shops. So where do they live off? They live off the state.'
As a result, the political elite were 'milking' the state coffers with the public sector wage bill having ballooned to an unprecedented 17% of GDP — the highest globally. By comparison, developed economies allocate just 10% to public sector wages.
The government collects about R2 trillion annually, Mbeki said, with 84% immediately consumed by two line items — public sector wages and debt servicing. This leaves virtually nothing for infrastructure, development or economic expansion.
He noted that the International Monetary Fund had repeatedly warned about the unsustainability of South Africa's public sector spending.
'The department of finance [the treasury] a year or so ago, revealed that more than 55 000 public sector employees, including politicians and ministers, more than 55 000 of them earn more than a million rands a year. If you walk into the national parliament, you walk in there and fall asleep, which many of them do. You earn R1.2 million. But without doing anything, just walking in,' he said.
'There aren't many businesses that are profitable that give a livelihood to one individual of a million rands a year … The controllers of political power use their political power to enrich themselves through the public service. They are milking, literally milking, the whole economy to pay themselves fabulous salaries.'
Mbeki said the business elite, which employs 75% of people in South Africa, was finding itself increasingly paralysed as it faced the threat of expropriation without compensation and had adopted a survival strategy of minimal investment.
According to the latest data from Statistics South Africa, youth unemployment is about 65% and the expanded unemployment rate, which includes discouraged job seekers, stands at 44.1% — a ticking time bomb of social instability.
'When you have such a large population that's not working, then that's a recipe for disaster, and many of these non-working people are young people under the age of 35, so you're sitting on a time bomb,' Mbeki said.
South African Reserve Bank data shows that private sector fixed investment has declined for seven consecutive quarters, with business confidence at its lowest levels in decades. The South African Chamber of Commerce and Industry's business confidence index has been below the neutral 50-point mark for 36 consecutive months.
'If you own an asset, and you have a threat of your assets being seized without compensation, what will you do? You invest as little as possible just to keep your business ticking,' Mbeki said.
About R1 trillion was sitting idle in current accounts, with businesses refusing to invest because of political uncertainty, he said.
South Africa's policies on land and property, including the recently signed
Despite joining President Cyril Ramaphosa's ANC in a government of national unity last year, the former main opposition Democratic Alliance (DA) has maintained its opposition to such legislation, launching court challenges to both the
Ramaphosa defended the policies in parliament last month, arguing that racial redress after apartheid was not a hindrance to economic growth, but an essential step towards broadening black participation in the economy to spur growth.
Mbeki said he believed the ANC would not actually implement the
'This is all posturing. They haven't got the guts to do it. They think it will win them the election, but Trump has called their bluff, so now we saw them shivering in front of Trump in the White House … that's what happens when you bluff,' he said.
He was referring to
Mbeki said 68% of South Africans live in urban areas and depend on commercial farmers for food security.
Responding to a question from a man in the audience about land redistribution, he said:
'If we take the land from the present commercial farmers and give it to my brother's family there, they can't produce to feed the population.
'They haven't got the capital, they haven't got the skills, they haven't got all the things that you need to be able to run a productive commercial farm in South Africa today. That is reality we have to live with.'
He said agricultural exports were also important to the economy because they accounted for about 15% of the country's total exports.
Mbeki said the political landscape offered little hope with parties such as ActionSA and the DA offering no substantive economic solutions.
'The DA is a middle-class party, like the ANC is a middle-class party, like ActionSA is a middle-class party. Doesn't matter whether you're white or black, they're a middle-class party and they defend the interests of the middle classes,' he said.
'They haven't changed the structure of the economy. They haven't come up with a strategy for overcoming the 40% unemployment that we're sitting with in this country.
'We have to bring down the standard of living of the public sector employees and we have to dilute the power of the propertyless political elite. That has to be diluted with the power of the workers, the power of the poor and the power of the capitalist. They have to dilute the power of the middle class that is now dominant in our political system.'
Drawing a comparison with South Korea, Mbeki highlighted the opportunity cost of South Africa's political model. In 1950, the two countries were economically comparable. Today, the Korean economy is nearly three times the size of South Africa's.
'Korea invested in its human resources. Their life expectancy is nearly 80, ours is 61. That's what investing in human capital means,' he said.
Mbeki dismissed the notion that some white South Africans longed for a return of apartheid.
'Apartheid will never come back in South Africa. The notion that white people want apartheid back is totally not true … A huge part of the white population did not support apartheid,' he said.
Mbeki urged business to get involved in politics to rescue the economy.
'We need more active political activity from the owners of capital in South Africa, because without their participation, as I showed, they control most of the skilled labour force in this country, without their labour force, without their management skills, we can't have both calls like this one.'
'Property owners have to intervene in the political system and become political participants. This is one of the problems we have in South Africa — that the owners of capital only act when we're on the edge of the precipice.'
Xubera Institute for Research and Development founder Xolani Dube said the country was facing a catastrophe and people had been 'zombified' into not confronting it.
'Possibly those who crafted this catastrophe were fully aware of the people they are dealing with — they are dealing with people who are docile. So, what Xubera is trying to do is to conscientise people about the issues facing our country,' Dube said.
'Unfortunately, the more we discuss, others are digging the grave for us so, in a way, we have submerged in this hollow grave and unfortunately we are dragging our kids into this grave. And when we rise, we rise for our own selfish issues, but not the issues that bind us all. That's the sad part.'
He said the country's economic situation was due to the government's previous bad decisions.
'It's the sins of our fathers that we are now dealing with. It's poor policy decisions — R600 billion that was spent on bailing out state- owned entities. This is the type of situation that we've inherited that we now need to deal with,' he said.
'But you now have a multi-party government in the province of KwaZulu-Natal, not a one-party dominant government, and it means there's more accountability, but you are never going to change the inherited system overnight.
'It's going to take time to turn it around but I would suggest that we're in an exciting and vibrant political situation with challenges. We understand those challenges but we need to collectively start taking an active interest in politics and in political parties.'
Hashtags

Try Our AI Features
Explore what Daily8 AI can do for you:
Comments
No comments yet...
Related Articles

The Herald
2 hours ago
- The Herald
Chief justice introduces sexual harassment policy for judiciary
Chief justice Mandisa Maya has announced the introduction of a sexual harassment policy for the judiciary. Maya said the policy is necessary and an urgent intervention. 'The judiciary cannot dispense justice to society if it does not first ensure it within its own ranks. Sexual harassment is a gross abuse of power, a denial of equality and a stain on the legitimacy of the courts. We are going to tackle it head on and this policy will be a very useful mechanism in that battle,' she said. In recent months, the sordid saga of Eastern Cape judge president Selby Mbenenge raised hard questions about sexual harassment in the judiciary. Mbenenge is facing sexual harassment charges brought against him at the judicial conduct tribunal by a judge's secretary from his division. Maya said the policy will entrench a culture of accountability and respect, ensuring the judiciary remains a beacon of justice for all. According to the chief justice, the policy reiterates the judiciary's unwavering commitment to the constitutional values of human dignity, equality and justice and sends a clear message that 'sexual harassment has no place in the halls of justice'. 'As custodians of the constitution, judges and magistrates bear a profound responsibility to uphold the highest standards of integrity. The Bangalore Principles of Judicial Conduct and South Africa's own Judicial Codes of Conduct demand nothing less. Yet, where sexual harassment occurs within the judiciary, it is not only a personal violation; it is also an affront to the rule of law itself, eroding public trust and betraying the very principles the institution exists to defend and uphold,' she said. The key principles of the policy include zero tolerance for sexual harassment by or against any judicial officer, staff member or individual engaging with the judiciary. It also includes clear, confidential and fair procedures for reporting and addressing complaints, with protections against retaliation, accountability, disciplinary consequences for offenders and a safe and respectful workplace free from discrimination and intimidation. Maya has directed members of the judiciary to urgently familiarise themselves with the policy and ensure adherence. 'This is not merely a document; it is a covenant with the people of South Africa. We must lead by example.' TimesLIVE


Mail & Guardian
7 hours ago
- Mail & Guardian
The new trade playbook: Africa's response to US bilateralism
US President Donald Trump announced a 30% tariff on South African goods, saying his country's relationship with Pretoria has been, 'unfortunately, far from reciprocal'. (X) On 2 April, the world witnessed a trademark move from US President Donald Trump, who declared the day Using an unprecedented and unconventional methodology, the US calculated these tariffs by taking its trade deficit with each country, dividing it by the value of that country's exports to the US, and then halving the result. The outcome was a sweeping set of tariffs ranging from 10% to 50%, with countries such as Lesotho at the upper end of the scale. This one-size-fits-all approach blatantly disregards unique country-specific realities, especially for least developed countries. Take Lesotho: years of support from successive US governments under the African Growth Opportunity Act helped it develop an export-oriented apparel industry employing about More broadly, the reciprocal tariff regime is not only punitive, it undermines US commitments under World Trade Organisation (WTO) rules. It poses a direct challenge to the multilateral trade system, and Africa is directly in the crosshairs. The tariffs will be felt across African countries. Although the US announced a pause in implementing full reciprocal tariffs until August, providing a window for One noteworthy example of this is the UK-US 'Economic Prosperity Deal'. The two parties seem to have agreed on a Other countries — including Vietnam, Philippines and Japan — have signed bilateral deals involving adjusted tariff rates (20%, 19% and 15% respectively). These are accompanied by supplementary conditions such as penalties on transhipped goods or sector-specific investment clauses. Notably, there is no trade deal, yet, with any African country. Zimbabwe was the first African country to respond in April 2025, prematurely, by suspending all tariffs on US imports in a bid to signal goodwill. Meanwhile, major African economies such as South Africa and Kenya are deep in negotiations, attempting to secure favourable terms in the face of mounting pressure. While another extension to the tariff pause seems likely, it's clear that the US is pursuing a transactional, bilateral trade strategy, offering selective relief in exchange for sectoral concessions or access to strategic resources like critical minerals. This approach is deeply concerning. It reduces complex trade relationships to blunt negotiations, with developing countries expected to simply 'take it or leave it'. Such a strategy fragments global trade into a patchwork of uneven bargains, privileging those with greater economic or strategic clout. For African countries, the risk is clear: without a united response, they risk being sidelined. The danger is that African nations may be pressured into accepting inequitable deals without the protection of multilateral institutions like the WTO. These deals could extend to critical sectors such as raw materials, where African leverage is significant but often underused. In response, African countries must pursue smart sector-specific bilateral deals and push for tariff exemptions on key exports like apparel, coffee and minerals. Leveraging the continents' strategic assets (minerals such as cobalt, lithium, for example) is critical to securing favourable terms. At the same time, it is crucial to diversify trade partnerships with emerging economies like China, and enhancing South-South cooperation for new export markets will be key. Long-term resilience will also require African governments to invest in industrial competitiveness and deepen regional integration under the African Continental Free Trade Area. In this new trade playbook, Africa must not be a passive player. With coordinated strategy and assertive diplomacy, the continent can protect its interests and shape a more equitable global trading order. Shimukunku Manchishi is a senior policy officer: trade at African Future Policies Hub.

The Herald
8 hours ago
- The Herald
Celebrity baker urges women to ‘find your why'
Established Gqeberha law firm Rushmere Noach Incorporated celebrated Women's Month with an inspirational luncheon featuring Cape Town baker and entrepreneur Andriette Georgiou as guest speaker. The event, held at Muse restaurant in Walmer, was attended by the firm's female clients. Georgiou, founder and owner of award-winning bakery Mondvol (which means mouthful), is best known as the runner-up of MasterChef SA Season 4 and for her New York-style cookies, which recently earned the 2024 Food and Home gold award for best sweet and savoury snack. Sharing her journey from being retrenched to building a thriving business that has sold nearly 200,000 cookies in just two years, Georgiou reflected on resilience, risk-taking and creating opportunities for other women. 'A cookie is just a cookie, but it can also be worth so much. I want to spread joy — there's enough misery out there,' she told the audience. Rushmere Noach director Liane Koorsse said Georgiou's story and the bakery's values of inclusiveness and empowerment aligned with the firm's ethos. 'At Rushmere Noach we support gender parity and inclusiveness in the workplace — the idea that women can hold a space alongside their male counterparts,' Koorsse said. The firm's leadership reflects this commitment, with a five-to-four female-to-male ratio on its board and women heading key practice areas including litigation, conveyancing, corporate, employment, family and criminal law. Women make up 68% of its staff. The afternoon ended with Georgiou's personal message: 'Know your worth. Find your why. You are worth being celebrated.' The Herald