Ramaphosa axes Nkabane as Higher Education Minister after Seta appointments saga
President Cyril Ramaphosa has removed Minister of Higher Education Nobuhle Nkabane from his Cabinet.
Nkabane's sacking comes amid allegations of corruption over the appointments of the chairpersons of the 21 Sector Education and Training Authorities (Seta) boards that included ANC members.
In a statement on Monday night, 21 July, the Presidency announced that Ramaphosa had appointed Buti Manamela as the new Minister of Higher Education and Training. Manamela was previously deputy minister of Higher Education and Training.
'President Cyril Ramaphosa has removed Dr Nobuhle Nkabane from the role of Minister and Higher Education and Training and has, in terms of Section 91 (2) of the Constitution of the Republic of South Africa, appointed Mr Buti Kgwaridi Manamela, Minister of Higher Education and Training. Mr Manamela was, until this appointment, serving as Deputy Minister of Higher Education and Training, a role he held from the 6th administration,' read the statement.
Ramaphosa has appointed Dr Nomusa Dube-Ncube as deputy minister.
'Dr Dube's long government leadership experience includes serving as MEC for Cooperative Government and Traditional Affairs and Premier of the Province of KwaZulu-Natal, amongst other roles,' the statement said.
Ncube was among the Seta board chairpersons who were to be appointed by Nkabane. Nkabane later withdrew the contentious appointments after a public outcry.
President @CyrilRamaphosa has, in terms of Section 91 (2) and Section 93 (b) of the Constitution, appointed Mr. Buti Kgwaridi Manamela and Dr Nomusa Dube-Ncube, as Minister and Deputy Minister of Higher Education and Training, respectively. https://t.co/ZiGDIqpgEc pic.twitter.com/F2zCvxC2Lq
— The Presidency 🇿🇦 (@PresidencyZA) July 21, 2025
In a statement announcing her departure, Nkabane thanked the President 'for entrusting her with the responsibility' of serving as Higher Education Minister.
'It has been a privilege to lead this important portfolio, and I am grateful to the sector and the people of South Africa for their support and for allowing me to serve in this capacity. I remain committed to the service of our people and the advancement of our country's development,' she said.
Nkabane was sworn in as Higher Education and Training Minister on 3 July 2024. Her removal brings to an end a tumultuous tenure, marred by allegations of corruption and accusations that she misled Parliament amid the contentious Seta boards appointments that sparked public outrage and legal and parliamentary scrutiny.
Minister @Dr_NobuhleN would like to take this opportunity to sincerely thank the President of the Republic of South Africa, H.E. Cyril Ramaphosa, for entrusting her with the responsibility to serve as Minister of Higher Education and Training. pic.twitter.com/nyNrIL36lu
— HigherEducationZA (@HigherEduGovZA) July 21, 2025
Several of the 21 Seta board chairpersons appointments were linked to ANC politicians, including Gwede Mantashe's son, Buyambo Mantashe, who had been appointed chairperson of the Manufacturing, Engineering and Related Services Seta. Other contentious appointees were Dube-Ncube and former ANC KwaZulu-Natal provincial deputy chairperson Mike Mabuyakhulu.
This led to MPs demanding that Nkabane account to the parliamentary committee on higher education over the appointments. However, Nkabane provided responses that misled Parliament – claiming that she established an independent panel to assist her in making the appointments and that no corruption was involved.
Nkabane disclosed the names of five panellists who assisted her – advocate Terry Motau SC as chairperson, her chief of staff Nelisiwe Semane, Seta director Mabuza Ngubane, the department's deputy director-general Rhulani Ngwenya and adviser Asisipho Solani.
However, in shocking revelations, Motau revealed that he had never been formally appointed to chair the panel. He said Nkabane was aware that he was not part of the panel. Semane, Ngubane and Ngwenya also denied their involvement.
On Friday, 18 July, Nkabane snubbed the parliamentary committee meeting and avoided accountability over the independent panellists' issue and the process of appointing the chairpersons. Only Ngubane and Motau appeared to testify and said that Nkabane had indeed misled Parliament.
Previously, Daily Maverick reported that Ramaphosa asked Nkabane to report to him about her behaviour in Parliament, including chewing food while responding to questions from MPs about the now withdrawn Seta appointments.
Reactions
The DA has laid charges against Nkabane that include fraud and statutory offences under section 26 of the Powers, Privileges and Immunities of Parliament and Provincial Legislature Act 4 of 2004.
The party welcomed Ramaphosa's axing of Nkabane. However, DA national spokesperson Karabo Khakhau told Daily Maverick that Ramaphosa had taken too long and that people deserved better.
'Our call as the Democratic Alliance has been to make sure that the appointment of people to Seta's spaces is detoxed from cadre deployment so that we're able to see the realisation of the true mandate of the Seta state itself. So this is what we want to see. Minister Nabane lied, and she committed fraud.
'So even though the President fired her, our case that is now being investigated by the Hawks is still going to be pursued. The same way Tony Yengeni was found guilty, Nobuhle Nkabane must be found guilty. Equally, she must face jail time,' said Khakhau.
An ANC statement extended its 'gratitude' to Nkabane for her service, and wished her well. The party welcomed the appointments of Manamela and Dube-Ncube.
'The ANC is confident that this new leadership team will advance access, equity and quality in the higher education sector… These appointments reaffirm our commitment to [a] capable, ethical, and developmental state,' it said.
The MK party noted Nkabane's 'necessary' and 'long overdue' removal from office.
'The former minister's failure to account for the irregular and unlawful allocation of the … Seta board positions raised serious questions about the so-called Government of National Unity's governance, their lack of transparency and the severe political interference that has become quite characteristic of the former liberation movement.
'It was evident that the appointments disproportionately favoured individuals with strong ties to the ANC: a pattern that cannot be ignored in a constitutional democracy such as South Africa,' read a statement from the party. DM
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Mail & Guardian
an hour ago
- Mail & Guardian
Tribute to Sir Ketumile Quett Joni Masire, a founder of Botswana, on his centennial birthday
As Botswana's first vice-president and finance minister (1966-80), Ketumile Masire helped rescue Botswana from the category of the third most impoverished nation in the world. File photo Sir Ketumile Quett Joni Masire was born on 23 July 1925 in Kanye, Beuchanaland (now Botswana). In commemorating his centennial birthday we pay tribute to one of the founders of Botswana and framers of its Constitution. He was the principal architect of its economic development as minister of finance and development planning. I recall at the end of March 1998, attending a farewell dinner for president Masire. The guest of honour was the former president of Tanzania, Julius Kambarange Nyerere. When it was time for the speeches Nyerere spoke eloquently about Sir Ketumile's leadership in developing Botswana. He praised him profusely for stepping down before senility set in and the guests dissolved in laughter. These two great presidents, paragons of astute and wise leadership in Africa, both left office voluntarily. Nyerere was first. Sometime in 1985, he woke up one bright sunny morning to the sound of birds singing and decided to retire. Not many presidents wake up that way. A year later the University of Zimbabwe awarded Nyerere an honorary doctorate, and the vice-chancellor, Professor Walter Kamba, said at the ceremony: 'In an age in which life presidencies are proliferating, whether by constitution or other means, it is only a man of courage, confidence, foresight, wisdom and humility, like our graduand, who can say it is now time for me to lay down the burdens and responsibilities of state and go into retirement and become part of the citizenry.' Twelve years later, that man was president Masire when he retired, cutting short his presidency by two years. Concluding his retirement speech to parliament he quoted Lord Tennyson: 'The old order changeth, yielding place to new, And God fulfils himself in many ways, Lest one good custom should corrupt the world.' He was steeped in English literature; Chaucer, Dickens, Austen, Tennyson and Shakespeare, among others. I recall him often gleefully reciting from Shakespeare's Macbeth: 'Tomorrow and tomorrow and tomorrow Creeps in this petty pace from day to day To the last syllable of recorded time …' Masire was a wise, pious and humble man, with a marvellous sense of humour, whose leadership transformed Botswana and overflowed to Africa and the world. He was undoubtedly one of the greatest statesmen of our era. Richard Dowden, the distinguished British journalist writing on the death of Masire, described him as 'one of Africa's greatest leaders. Because he was a low-key figure and from a large but sparsely-populated country, he does not appear in the pantheon of great rulers. But he should.' Dowden further said: 'As president of Botswana for nearly two decades, the humble Masire was responsible for setting the country on a path to prosperity.' Masire's humility concealed his greatness. I am reminded of Yogesh Chadha's book, Rediscovering Gandhi. In it, Chadha writes that when Mahatma Gandhi was in London in 1931 to plead for India's independence, a small girl wanted to ask him for his autograph. She then drew back shyly and looked up at her mother and asked: 'Mummy, is he really great?' Like Gandhi, the unassuming greatness of Masire was the gift of the common touch that made him at one with ordinary people. It was reflected in his love for Batswana — and humanity in general — a surpassing compassion and commitment to improving the welfare of others. He did so by being a skillful communicator. Experts of the Setswana language attest that his command of the language and idioms was incomparable. He marshalled the Setswana language wonderfully and spellbound his audience. He was brilliant. In 1944, he was one of the first students to earn a bursary to attend Tiger Kloof Secondary School. He became a teacher and the first headmaster of Kanye Secondary School — now Seepapitso Senior Secondary School — from 1950 to 1955. Though he put himself wholeheartedly into everything he did it was farming that was the love of his heart. In 1957, he was the first Motswana to be awarded a Master Farmer's Certificate. His other interest was journalism and became the editor of Naledi ya Batswana newspaper. It was as a journalist he later met Seretse Khama. The year 1958 was a significant year. That was the year Masire married Gladys Olebile Molefi on 2 January. Born in Modimola near Mafikeng, after graduating from Tiger Kloof, she became a teacher at Mafikeng and later Kanye. A woman of substance, she was God fearing, kind, humble, compassionate and hardworking. Years later as first lady she was a gracious Mother of the Nation. She was Masire's pillar, always caring and supportive of him. Lady Masire dedicated herself to several charities that focused on the plight of disadvantaged and marginalised children, unemployed and delinquent youth and women's empowerment. They were a splendid couple and their marriage was blessed with six children. In August 1960, Sir John Maud, the high commissioner on a familiarisation visit of Beuchanaland, was at the Serowe kgotla. Masire, as a photo-journalist, covered the event for his paper. He took Seretse's picture in the kgotla and then cheekily walked up to him to ask his permission after the fact. Seretse was immensely amused by this cheekiness and a lifelong friendship was born. It was in 1961 that Masire literally stumbled into politics. He was in Lobatse to cover a public meeting of the newly formed Bechuanaland People's Party (BPP). Masire, who had an interest in public affairs, was curious about the new political party. At the end of the meeting he was not impressed and thought: 'If these are the kinds of people who are going to lead our country, we are in trouble.' Towards the end of 1961, Seretse Khama, who shared the same sentiments, proposed the formation of a new party, the Bechuanaland Democratic Party (BDP). Masire resolved that if he could be of any use to the nation, then he needed to participate in politics. Masire knew Seretse as a democrat through and through who believed strongly that the nation resides in the people, and not in any individual. The two worked well together. It was a complementary partnership that flourished on Seretse's vision and charisma and Masire's energy, analytical brilliance and organisational ability. They were candid and honest with each other, and both had a lively sense of humour. They were born leaders. Both believed in the need to move people from thinking about their tribes as their separate communities to thinking about the whole nation as their community. Both believed that in any society they needed to be a balance between the interests of individuals and those of the larger community. Both believed that individuals should be given the freedom to come up with the best they were capable of. The cardinal principle on which the Botswana Democratic Party was founded was a non-negotiable article of faith that the founders and other leaders subscribed to: 'The party only matters to the extent that it can meet the needs of the nation; otherwise there is no need for it. If it ceases to meet the needs of the country, then it should cease to exist.' This is ageless wisdom applicable to all political parties in the world. In adherence to this article of faith Seretse and Masire crafted a short document in 1962 that outlined in broad-brush terms, the direction which the party would take. The document on 'Aims and Objectives' became the 'Four National Principles'. It highlighted what mattered, namely, to establish a nation that exemplified non-racialism, one united nation, fundamental human rights, a reformed and democratic local government which were then all missing in Bechuanaland. The 'Four National Principles' gave clarity as to what Botswana wanted, and from observing other countries, what to avoid. In his memoirs Masire wrote that the BDP was built by trial and error. 'No one came with a dogma to be followed. We shared stories, and we learned from each other and from the people we consulted. The party grew organically, and it was very encouraging to see it happen. This was the fundamental difference between us as a party and the People's Party and its subsequent mutations. They fed their followers with slogans and dogmas picked up from elsewhere. They thought they could just tell people any cock-and-bull story, and the people would accept it. 'Our experience was that ordinary people wanted to be given reasons. We did our best to show them why we were thinking and acting the way we were. As we prepared for moving to self-rule and then independence, our biggest fear was that we would lack unity, and that each tribe might think of itself as a separate entity. We feared if we went the way of some other states we would be in for serious trouble. This is why we laid emphasis on finding all the things that would unite us, and trying to avoid all the things that would divide us. 'Our Four Principles — democracy, development, unity and self-reliance — addressed the things that really worried us during the formative years before independence. We knew we needed both to adhere to our principles, and to fight against anything that would threaten them.' This was the vision that ushered in Botswana's independence on 30 September 1966. At independence Botswana was among the poorest countries in the world and surrounded by racist minority regimes in South West Africa (Namibia), Rhodesia (Zimbabwe) and South Africa. Economic experts gazing in their crystal balls saw Botswana doomed to poverty and surviving forever on international aid. Sir Seretse Khama and Sir Ketumile Masire would often remind their colleagues that when they asked for independence, they were told that they were 'either very brave, or very foolish'. Masire was to use this phrase as the title of his memoirs: Very Brave or Very Foolish? Memoirs of an African Democrat. The economic experts' advice was taken with a pinch of salt as Botswana proved them spectacularly wrong. As Botswana's first vice-president and minister of finance and development planning, Masire initiated various initiatives to rescue Botswana from the category of the third most impoverished nation in the world, which, in 1966, had an annual per-capita income of about $60. The initiatives included channelling foreign aid, loans and mining revenues into developing educational, health, power, transport, and communications infrastructure while encouraging small-scale services and industries and promoting commercial agriculture. The success of Masire's development portfolio earned him kudos domestically and internationally. In 1980 Botswana's first president, Sir Seretse Khama died. The nation mourned, grievously bereft of a great leader it had been fortunate to have at the time of its greatest need. Masire had lost both a great friend and political collaborator who was closer to him than anybody before or after. They were a good team. Their close cooperation on all aspects of politics and government for 20 years was an important factor in achieving Botswana's successes. In mourning, Masire graciously ascended to the presidency. His presidency commenced at a time the liberation fight against apartheid was intensifying and black South African liberation fighters of the ANC began to infiltrate South Africa by crossing the borders of Botswana, Zimbabwe and Mozambique. South Africa, in retaliation, attacked these countries. Botswana found herself in a dilemma as she could not break links with South Africa for economic reasons so she banned the ANC military wing from operating in the country, but allowed young men and women to enter who were fleeing South Africa to become ANC freedom fighters. With the discovery of diamonds in Botswana the government was pragmatic in making a deal with the South African gold and diamond giant, De Beers. The deal provided the government with substantial revenues from diamonds, which were used for the benefit of the people in services such as education and health. During the HIV/Aids crisis the country funded its own programme at a huge expense while other African countries relied on international aid. The deal with De Beers gradually evolved because president Masire's cautious and tenacious style convinced De Beers to build a sorting house in Gaborone where the diamonds were graded before being sent to De Beers in London. He also demanded that Batswana be trained in sorting and evaluating diamonds. Masire transformed Botswana by anchoring her development in Tswana values. For example, the Tswana practice of consulting people was essential in progressing developmental policies. In 1991 he received an honorary knighthood of the Grand Cross of Saint Michael and Saint George from Her Majesty Queen Elizabeth II. After 37 years in public life president Masire retired in 1998. In those years Botswana's circumstances had changed significantly from what the economic experts foresaw. From 1966 to 1998 Botswana achieved the world's highest annual economic growth rate of any country in the world. In the words of Masire, 'We built and sustained a multi-party democracy; the vast majority of our people enjoyed improved health, education, and increased incomes and employment opportunities; and we managed our way through a dangerous security situation created by our neighbours.' Transparency International rated Botswana as having one of the lowest levels of corruption in Africa, indeed lower than many European countries. Botswana had active and vocal opposition parties because C believed strongly that, 'In a democratic system, parties that are in opposition to the government of the day have an important role to play. If opposition parties are strong and full of ideas, they sharpen the wits of the governing party and keep it on its toes. If the opposition parties are weak or lacking in ideas about alternative policies, they weaken both the country and the ruling party.' Botswana also developed a vigorous and independent press. And Botswana achieved a reputation for principled positions and leadership in regional affairs, especially during the long struggle to liberate Southern Africa from colonialism and racist white minority regimes. Masire was one of the founders of the Southern African Development Community (SADC). All this did not happen by chance; it was the result of prudent leadership which brought about Botswana's successes. This prudent leadership was succinctly summed up by the Motswana politician and diplomat Dr Gaositwe Chiepe, in one word: 'Teamwork.' Masire agreed that it summed up their approach very well. 'The times we were most successful were when we worked together, both as politicians and with civil servants. Our success could not have been achieved had we not found able people, convinced them to enter politics or the public service, and encouraged and enabled them to work productively with one another. Our failures came at those times when we lost the commitment to teamwork, consultation, consensus and cooperation.' After leaving office, Masire divided his time between his passion for farming and as a global statesman in conflict resolution. He often worked through his Sir Ketumile Masire Foundation. In 1998 he was appointed by the Organisation of African Unity (OAU) to chair an International Panel of Eminent Personalities which investigated the circumstances of the 1994 Rwandan genocide. A 300-page report on the Rwanda genocide was produced which concluded that it was preventable. Individuals and governments were culpable. After finalising the Rwanda report Masire was appointed to facilitate the Inter-Congolese Dialogue, 2000-03, with the objective of bringing about a new political dispensation for the Democratic Republic of the Congo. This appointment illustrated his great, inimitable leadership. Dr Salim Salim, the secretary general of the OAU, told him the Congolese parties were looking for possible candidates to be a facilitator. The three principal belligerents had to agree, and they had rejected 11 other individuals but all agreed on Masire. Drawing on his long experience as leader of Botswana, he knew he needed to understand all the issues, so each party would feel its concerns were being addressed. A great deal of patience was required and this he had aplenty. Throughout his three years and three months working on the Inter-Congolese dialogue, Masire tried to keep everyone involved and informed — whether they were inside or outside. He wanted to be sure that those outside exercised influence for good where they could, and also that they did not give the wrong signals that would encourage the belligerents or other parties to be too stubborn. The dialogue gave the Congolese their first opportunity to come together to frame a future for their country. They had never been through a democratic process of consultation, and Masire had to start at the very beginning. He pressed them to achieve what he believed they could. At one stage one of the participants asked Masire how he could be certain that if they agreed to the proposals, the other sides would also agree. Masire told them what he always told aspiring politicians in Botswana: there is always a risk in politics in a democratic setup. If you are afraid to take a risk, you cannot be a politician. He said it was reasonable to assume that if others saw one party was accommodating, as was true of some of the participants, then those others would also begin to be accommodating. The closing ceremony and the signing of the Inter-Congolese dialogue took place on 2 April 2003 in Sun City, South Africa. But its implementation was difficult. Periodic fighting continued, and a constitution was not adopted until early in 2006. As we celebrate his centennial birthday we remember Sir Ketumile Masire with immense joy and pride as a man who was positively animated with life. He reflected as St Irenaeus said 'the glory of God in humanity fully alive'. We remember his sterling leadership ingrained in his love of God and humanity. We remember 'a man for all seasons', a teacher, farmer, journalist, politician, peacemaker and family man. On a personal note, a great friend, mentor and father-in-law. We remember a man who was inspired and guided by good values that transformed Botswana from an impoverished country to a middle income nation, testament to his prudent leadership. We remember an unassuming leader who deserves to be remembered as one of the greatest African pioneers of post-colonial history. He personified the values of botho, or ubuntu, which promotes the value of a person's interconnectedness with their community. That is what makes a person truly great. We remember a wise mediator in various conflicts as illustrated in investigating the causes of the genocide in Rwanda, and working towards peace in the bloody conflicts of eastern DRC. He was a towering peacemaker in our world who laid the foundation of peace in the DRC on which the Congolese must build and preserve. He was also the SADC mediator for Lesotho. Sir Ketumile was a respected voice and model leader for peace and good governance on the African continent and beyond. He truly was a great man and may his memory be a blessing to us. We remember Sir Ketumile Quett Joni Masire, a man blessed by God with faith, moral courage, compassion, tolerance, kindness, intelligence, integrity and decency. These are attributes our world needs in today's leaders to resolve the challenges we face. The Right Reverend Dr Musonda Trevor Selwyn Mwamba (formerly Bishop of Botswana) is the president of the United National Independence Party (UNIP), Zambia.
The Citizen
2 hours ago
- The Citizen
National Assembly approves Appropriation Bill
The Appropriation Bill goes through three main stages in the National Assembly. President Cyril Ramaphosa delivers the State of the Nation Address (Sona) at Cape Town City Hall on 6 February 2025. Picture: Gallo Images/Jeffrey Abrahams The National Assembly has accepted the Appropriation Bill on the first reading, moving a step closer toward concluding a tumultuous budget process – although it is not yet fully resolved. MPs convened at the Cape Town International Convention Centre (CTICC) on Wednesday to debate and vote on the Appropriation Bill. This bill, which allocates funding to national government departments and outlines how it will be divided among institutions for the financial year, is the final major legislative step before the R1.2 trillion national budget can be finalised. Stages of Appropriation Bill in the National Assembly The Appropriation Bill goes through three main stages in the National Assembly. In the first reading, MPs debate whether they agree with the overall principles of the bill. If the National Assembly rejects it at this point, the bill is dismissed entirely and does not advance. ALSO READ: Ramaphosa defends budget as critical to government oversight The second stage involves voting on the budgets allocated to each government department and its respective entities. Lastly, if all departmental votes are approved, Parliament then considers the full schedule, which outlines the complete breakdown of funding allocations. Once this schedule is adopted, the bill moves to the second reading – the final vote needed for the National Assembly to formally pass it. Debate on Appropriation Bill Before the first reading debate could begin on Wednesday, the National Assembly adopted the Standing Committee on Appropriations' report on the bill. Kicking off the debate, Mmusi Maimane, chairperson of the Standing Committee on Appropriations, called on the executive and the government of national unity (GNU) to establish clear priorities and reach consensus on the spending plan early. The Build One South Africa (Bosa) leader emphasised that doing so would help avoid the disruptions seen in this year's budget process and ensure a smoother cycle going forward. 'We need to be clear about when we do spending reviews. In this medium term, we must be far more efficient in how we deal with the money that has been allocated to us,' Maimane said. READ MORE: Treasury allocates R750m to offset Pepfar funding withdrawal as Motsoaledi tables health budget Closing the debate, Deputy Finance Minister David Masondo stressed to MPs that passing the bill would authorise government to use the allocated funds to provide public services. 'This R1.2 trillion is not just a number; it represents school meals, hospital beds, social grants and infrastructure projects that will directly impact the lives of many South Africans,' he said. He warned that failure to pass the bill could prevent government from accessing funds by October, thereby stalling new projects and service delivery. After the debate, a manual voting process was held on the first reading. A total of 262 MPs supported the Appropriations Bill, while 90 opposed it. No abstentions were recorded. Watch the plenary session below: Departmental budget votes MPs are also voting on Wednesday on the budgets for each department. At least 201 MPs must be present, with a majority vote for approval. All 42 departmental votes must be approved for the Appropriation Bill to pass. The process remains on shaky ground, especially with the DA previously pledging not to support the Department of Human Settlements' allocation, due to Minister Thembi Simelane's alleged involvement in the VBS scandal. READ MORE: 'Police are the chief criminal syndicate': Saps R120bn budget criticised by MPs The party has called for her dismissal by President Cyril Ramaphosa. Whether the DA, which holds 87 seats, will maintain that stance on Simelane is unclear. The party's support for the overall bill on Wednesday followed the recent dismissal of former Higher Education Minister Nobuhle Nkabane. The departmental votes continue at the CTICC. What happens if Appropriation Bill is not passed? If the National Assembly fails to pass the Appropriation Bill, it must be returned to the Standing Committee on Appropriations for reconsideration. This would have significant consequences. Under the Public Finance Management Act (PFMA), departments are only allowed to spend up to 45% of the previous year's allocation during the first four months of the new financial year – ending in July. READ MORE: Parliament allocates R71m for medical aid for former MPs After that, they may spend only 10% per month. However, without a new budget, no new programmes or adjustments to existing allocations can proceed, potentially delaying funding for public services. Next steps if passed If passed by the National Assembly, the Appropriation Bill proceeds to the National Council of Provinces (NCOP) for concurrence. The NCOP must adopt the bill by 31 July in accordance with the Money Bills Amendment Procedure and Related Matters Act, which requires Parliament to pass, amend, or reject the legislation within four months of the start of the financial year. Once approved by the NCOP, the budget process is formally concluded, and the implementation of the national budget can begin. Post-approval oversight Once the bill is fully enacted, government departments will begin receiving funds and executing spending plans. Parliamentary oversight will continue during implementation. The Auditor-General will audit expenditure and report findings to Parliament. Parliament is empowered to take corrective action should mismanagement or underspending be detected. NOW READ: DFFE to stretch R9bn budget amid fiscal constraints, minister warns
IOL News
2 hours ago
- IOL News
South Africa Needs Action, Not Another Commission of Inquiry
Opposition parties say President Cyril Ramaphosa could have used the existing crime-fighting state institutions to investigate Senzo Mchunu instead of appointing a commission. Image: IOL Graphics Opposition parties say President Cyril Ramaphosa could have used the existing crime-fighting state institutions to investigate Senzo Mchunu instead of appointing a commission. Image: IOL Graphics South Africa stands at a critical juncture in its democratic journey, yet again faced with the painful realisation that those entrusted with the stewardship of the nation are, in many cases, the very ones who betray it. Video Player is loading. Play Video Play Unmute Current Time 0:00 / Duration -:- Loaded : 0% Stream Type LIVE Seek to live, currently behind live LIVE Remaining Time - 0:00 This is a modal window. Beginning of dialog window. Escape will cancel and close the window. Text Color White Black Red Green Blue Yellow Magenta Cyan Transparency Opaque Semi-Transparent Background Color Black White Red Green Blue Yellow Magenta Cyan Transparency Opaque Semi-Transparent Transparent Window Color Black White Red Green Blue Yellow Magenta Cyan Transparency Transparent Semi-Transparent Opaque Font Size 50% 75% 100% 125% 150% 175% 200% 300% 400% Text Edge Style None Raised Depressed Uniform Dropshadow Font Family Proportional Sans-Serif Monospace Sans-Serif Proportional Serif Monospace Serif Casual Script Small Caps Reset restore all settings to the default values Done Close Modal Dialog End of dialog window. Advertisement Video Player is loading. Play Video Play Unmute Current Time 0:00 / Duration -:- Loaded : 0% Stream Type LIVE Seek to live, currently behind live LIVE Remaining Time - 0:00 This is a modal window. Beginning of dialog window. Escape will cancel and close the window. Text Color White Black Red Green Blue Yellow Magenta Cyan Transparency Opaque Semi-Transparent Background Color Black White Red Green Blue Yellow Magenta Cyan Transparency Opaque Semi-Transparent Transparent Window Color Black White Red Green Blue Yellow Magenta Cyan Transparency Transparent Semi-Transparent Opaque Font Size 50% 75% 100% 125% 150% 175% 200% 300% 400% Text Edge Style None Raised Depressed Uniform Dropshadow Font Family Proportional Sans-Serif Monospace Sans-Serif Proportional Serif Monospace Serif Casual Script Small Caps Reset restore all settings to the default values Done Close Modal Dialog End of dialog window. Next Stay Close ✕ The recent decision to establish yet another commission of inquiry into deeply troubling allegations involving senior political figures and criminal syndicates is, frankly, a smokescreen. It is not justice. It is not urgent. It is a distraction. We do not need another commission to tell us what we already know. What we need is political will. What we need is action. Lieutenant General Nhlanhla Mkhwanazi's testimony was not vague. It was not speculative. It was not an anonymous whisper or third-hand hearsay. It was prima facie evidence — clear, credible, and damning. In any functioning state where law enforcement operates independently and accountability is more than a buzzword, such testimony would have immediately triggered charges or, at the very least, an expedited investigative process. Instead, what we are seeing unfold is an elaborate performance of 'doing something' – the favourite tactic of those in power when the heat gets too close to the source. The establishment of commissions of inquiry has, over the years, become the ANC's go-to strategy for placating public anger. Recall the Zondo Commission: four years, over a billion rand spent, and while it uncovered monumental corruption and state capture, how many implicated high-level figures are now behind bars? Very few. The culture of impunity persists, emboldened by the fact that inquiries often produce reports, rather than justice. In the current scenario, a parliamentary inquiry could and should have sufficed. Parliament is the appropriate forum for holding the executive to account. It has both the constitutional mandate and the power to summon individuals, demand documents, and refer matters for prosecution. By launching a full-scale commission instead, those in power are effectively kicking the can down the road—again. Let us be blunt: the ANC is at war with itself, and South Africans are the collateral damage. What we are witnessing is not governance; it is a gang war masquerading as a political process. The allegations made by Mkhwanazi point to a deep rot in our law enforcement and political structures, one that implicates senior ANC leaders in direct or complicit involvement with organised crime. If we were a country truly governed by the rule of law, these individuals would be investigated, charged, and, if found guilty, imprisoned. But the ANC does not cleanse itself. It protects its own. Worse still, the deployment of commissions is a strategy to neutralise whistleblowers and reformists within the system. It creates the illusion of accountability while buying time for accused individuals to regroup, destroy evidence, or mobilise counter-narratives. And let us not forget: commissions do not suspend the presumption of innocence, nor do they have the power to prosecute. They merely recommend, suggest, and report. The burden of actual justice remains on institutions that, by all accounts, are either captured or too weak to act independently. We must ask ourselves: Who benefits from this delay? Indeed not the South African public, who continue to endure failing infrastructure, rising crime, and economic stagnation. Indeed, not the honest civil servants who risk their lives and careers speaking truth to power. The only beneficiaries of this delay are the criminal-political elite, those who wear the colours of the liberation movement by day and run extortion rackets by night. It is also important to call this what it is: political cowardice. The president and senior leadership of the ANC have had multiple opportunities to take decisive action, to show that no one is above the law. Each time, they have chosen instead to prioritise party unity over national interest. In doing so, they have betrayed the very ideals they claim to uphold. This is no longer a question of evidence. It is a question of courage. The SAPS and Hawks must act on the information presented. The NPA must follow through without fear or favour. Parliament must assert itself and not defer its responsibilities to time-consuming commissions. Civil society and the media must maintain pressure, refusing to be lulled into passivity by yet another promise of reform. The people of South Africa have been more than patient. We have waited through the arms deal, Marikana, Nkandla, state capture, Phala Phala—and now this. How much longer must we wait while our democracy is undermined by those who treat it as a personal fiefdom? We are not dealing with ideological disagreements or political rivalries. We are dealing with thugs—criminals embedded within the movement once tasked with liberating our people. The longer we deny this reality, the deeper the rot becomes. South Africa does not need another commission. South Africa needs a reckoning. *Mayalo is an independent writer. The views expressed here are not necessarily those of IOL and Independent Media
