What ever happened to the American dream?
Is the American dream on a slow march to the grave?
The adage suggests any child born in the U.S. should have the opportunity, through hard work and determination, to do better than their parents. And once upon a time, it held up pretty well.
Back in the 1940s, it was almost a guaranteed path for children to surpass the living earned by their parents with some 92% of those progeny moving up the economic ladder, according to data shared in a presentation Thursday by renowned Harvard economist Raj Chetty at the University of Utah's Kem C. Gardner Policy Institute.
But by the 1980s, that virtual lock had faded dramatically, Chetty said, and children of that decade were facing even money — 50/50 odds — to surpass their parents on the income metric. And that's about where their chances remain today.
Chetty is the William A. Ackman Professor of Economics at Harvard University and the director of Opportunity Insights, a Harvard-based group of researchers and policy analysts working to address a fundamental challenge: How can we give children from all backgrounds better chances of succeeding?
Utilizing massive amounts of data going back decades, Chetty and his team have identified the underlying factors behind the profound backslide in American economic mobility with the hope that by recognizing causal issues and vetting potential policy solutions, the trend can be reversed.
Chetty notes, perhaps not surprisingly, that the location of a child's neighborhood has a major impact on their future economic prospects.
'Where you grew up, the community you were living in, is a critical determinate of your life outcomes,' he said.
Chetty said that the data clearly reflects that childhood environment has a direct impact on future economic prospects but has a waning influence the older a child gets. By adulthood, the influence essentially disappears.
Chetty shared a heat map of the U.S. showing the variations, divided by zip code, in levels of economic opportunity across the country. Children who grow up in low economic mobility zones have the lowest chances of bettering their parents' economic prospects while those in high mobility neighborhoods are likely to level up.
The strongest characteristics of high economic mobility areas, according to Chetty, include:
Lower poverty rate
More stable family structures
Better K-12 levels schools and easier access to higher education
Social capital
'In the U.S. as a whole, about half of the disconnection we see between low and high income people is driven by segregation by income,' Chetty said. 'We tend to live in different neighborhoods, we tend to go to different schools, different colleges and so on.'
The other half of that separation, according to Chetty's research, is driven by friending bias, the tendency for individuals to form friendships and connections with those in their own socioeconomic sphere. One study found that poor children with a friend network of 70% wealthier kids would realize future incomes 20% higher than peers without the cross-class connections.
Those cross-class relationships, according to the 2022 study, had stronger economic impacts than school quality, family structure, job availability or a community's racial composition.
To grow the pool of American children with elevated economic mobility, Chetty said policy solutions would be most effective in targeting three areas:
Reducing economic segregation
Making place-based investments
Increasing access to higher education and workforce training
Chetty cited a housing subsidy pilot program in Seattle in which half the families received vouchers for housing in whatever area they chose, while the other half received vouchers along with additional social support to secure homes in higher opportunity neighborhoods. In the control group, only 14% of families moved to higher opportunity areas but the rate rose to 54% among families in the supported group.
The rate of the return on investment for those families in high opportunity areas is on track to be substantial, Chetty said, with children from those families likely to see their lifetime earnings elevated by $200,000.
Another exploration of policy-based solutions, led by Opportunity Insights, is the Collegiate Leaders in Increasing MoBility (CLIMB) Initiative, a partnership between leading higher education economists, policymakers and a diverse set of U.S. colleges and universities.
The initiative is seeking to understand not only which colleges act as engines of intergenerational mobility, but why and how schools and policymakers 'can promote opportunity and economic growth by helping larger numbers of low-income students reach the middle class.'
Chetty noted that while Utah has earned top billing in the country when it comes to economic mobility measures, at a neighborhood level there remain deep divides across the state for children's relative chances, depending on where they live and the opportunities they can access, to move up the socioeconomic ladder.
A wide swath of current and former Utah policymakers were in attendance for Chetty's presentation this week including former Utah Sen. Mitt Romney, former Utah Gov. Mike Leavitt, Utah Senate President Stuart Adams, Utah House Speaker Mike Schultz as well as municipal government representatives from the Salt Lake City Council and other communities.
In comments made following Chetty's presentation, Schultz noted his personal journey as an individual who has ascended from his childhood economic position.
'We are these numbers,' Schultz said, referencing the data from Chetty's presentation. 'Most of us started out at a different economic scale than we're currently at today. Personally, I was on the bottom end of the middle income class. I grew up in a community where I was fortunate enough to have great mentors … and (connections with) people on the upper end of the income scale."
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Politico
28 minutes ago
- Politico
Negotiate or fight? Trump has colleges right where he wants them.
President Donald Trump's campaign against two of the planet's best-known universities is laying bare just how unprepared academia was to confront a hostile White House. Schools never imagined facing an administration so willing to exercise government power so quickly — targeting the research funding, tax-exempt status, foreign student enrollment and financial aid eligibility schools need to function. That's left them right where the president wants them. Even as Ivy League schools, research institutions, and college trade associations try to resist Trump's attacks in court, campus leaders are starting to accept they face only difficult choices: negotiate with the government, mount a painful legal and political fight — or simply try to stay out of sight. Groundbreaking scientific research, financial aid for lower-income students and soft power as an economic engine once shielded schools' access to federal funds. Trump has now transformed those financial lifelines into leverage. 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Even though Project 2025 — The Heritage Foundation's roadmap for a second Trump administration — previewed some of the tactics the administration would use, many school leaders may have underestimated the president's determination. 'It just seemed inconceivable that we would be in this position of having massive amounts of federal funding withheld, threats to have legislation that attacks your tax status, and now these new issues with international students,' Bollinger said. A federal judge issued a temporary restraining order Thursday night that blocked Trump's directive to restrict Harvard's access to international students. But the administration is brandishing its response to Harvard's resistance as a warning to other schools who might resist, as federal officials pressure schools to negotiate the terms of a truce over the administration's complaints about campus antisemitism, foreign government influence and its opposition to diversity, equity, and inclusion initiatives. 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Many institutions have chosen a more muted response following months of conflict, including major public institutions in states that have also grown reliant on the full-freight tuition paid by international students. 'Universities don't have as many degrees of freedom, at least in the public sector, as you might think they do,' said Teresa Sullivan, the former president of the University of Virginia. 'One reason they seem to be relatively slow to act is there's a certain disbelief — can this really be happening?' 'We seem to be in uncharted territory, at least in my experience,' Sullivan said. 'All of a sudden, the rules don't seem to apply. I think that's disconcerting. It shakes the ground beneath you, and you don't necessarily know what to do next.' Still, some higher education leaders are trying to confront the government. 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Forbes
an hour ago
- Forbes
Musk Follows Harvard In Biting The Hand That Feeds
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Amid growing political scrutiny and a shifting cultural landscape, the university has drawn intense criticism over its handling of campus protests, particularly those involving slogans such as 'from the river to the sea.' The administration's decision to defend even the most controversial speech—widely viewed by many as antisemitic—has triggered investigations and jeopardized billions in tax-exempt status and government research funding. This raises a critical question: is this truly the hill worth dying on? Is preserving the right to controversial protest slogans worth risking Harvard's institutional future? It is doubtful that most students and faculty would knowingly trade funding, grants, and prestige for this fight. Elon Musk, the world's richest man, has now followed suit—this time turning his attention toward President Donald Trump, with whom he has launched a high-profile and personal feud. What makes this move especially striking is that President Trump is not a distant figure or a fading influence. He is once again sitting in the White House, wielding executive authority over regulatory agencies, defense contracting, and infrastructure initiatives—all areas that directly affect Musk's companies. Tesla, SpaceX, and xAI have flourished in part because of government partnership. SpaceX alone holds multibillion-dollar contracts with NASA and the Department of Defense. Tesla has benefitted from years of energy subsidies and EV tax incentives. Picking a fight with the sitting president—regardless of personal conviction—puts this entire ecosystem at risk. And again the question must be asked: is this battle worth the damage? Whatever principle Musk may be defending, the consequences extend far beyond himself. Shareholders, employees, and retail investors—many of whom placed their trust and savings in his leadership—are the ones left exposed. The parallel between Harvard and Musk is striking: both have been immensely successful, aided in large part by government funding, favorable regulation, and public goodwill. And both have, for different reasons, chosen to confront the very institutions and leaders that have helped sustain their growth. There is precedent for how this ends. Jack Ma, once the most powerful entrepreneur in China, famously criticized the Chinese government. The backlash was immediate and absolute. His companies were dismantled. His IPO was cancelled. His wealth and influence evaporated almost overnight. Even in less authoritarian systems, the lesson holds: those who antagonize the systems that support them may not survive the consequences. While Musk's personal net worth has dropped from nearly $450 billion to approximately $300 billion, the impact is more symbolic than practical for him. But for millions of investors, employees, and stakeholders, these battles matter. Market volatility, regulatory backlash, and reputational risk all come with tangible financial costs—costs borne not just by Musk himself, but by those who have trusted and invested in his vision. The same applies to Harvard and peer institutions. Their leadership may believe they are standing on principle, but the price of alienating government agencies and key financial backers could reshape the long-term trajectory of these universities. The erosion of public trust, the loss of bipartisan support, and the potential withdrawal of federal funding pose existential threats. Leadership—whether in business or academia—requires more than conviction. It requires judgment, timing, and the discipline to separate personal ideology from institutional responsibility. Founder-led companies often outperform when leaders are focused, visionary, and measured. But when ego replaces strategy, the consequences can be swift and severe. No one is demanding absolute political alignment or silence in the face of controversy. No one is asking Elon Musk to wear a MAGA hat. But his recent actions have been so volatile, so self-destructive, that investors may soon be tempted to hand him something else entirely—a MEGA hat: Make Elon Great Again. In today's polarized environment, the margin for error has narrowed. And for those who owe much of their success to public support—whether in Silicon Valley or the Ivy League—biting the hand that feeds is not just unwise. It is unsustainable. ---------------------------------- Disclosure: Past performance is no guarantee of future results. Please refer to the following link for additional disclosures: Additional Disclosure Note: The author has an affiliation with ERShares and the XOVR ETF. The intent of this article is to provide objective information; however, readers should be aware that the author may have a financial interest in the subject matter discussed. As with all equity investments, investors should carefully evaluate all options with a qualified investment professional before making any investment decision. Private equity investments, such as those held in XOVR, may carry additional risks—including limited liquidity—compared to traditional publicly traded securities. It is important to consider these factors and consult a trained professional when assessing suitability and risk tolerance.
Yahoo
an hour ago
- Yahoo
Alabama leaders call to preserve job training program amid Trump administration scrutiny
Moves in Washington D.C. could cost the Montgomery region 90 jobs and a yearly economic benefit of about $144 million, not to mention streams of newly trained workers, Mayor Steven Reed says. Reed joined U.S. Rep. Shomari Figures, D-Montgomery, at the Montgomery Job Corps campus Saturday morning to call for safeguarding the national training program. There is also a Job Corps campus in Gadsden. The Trump administration has called for the pausing of Job Corps programs at all 99 locations in the country by June 30. A Labor Department report cites low graduation rates and safety concerns on the campuses as reason for the pause. A federal judge has issued a stay in the administration's move. "We want to see a full reinstatement of the program, with full funding," Reed said, urging the public to contact their representatives in Congress and U.S. Senators to protest the plans to pause the efforts. Job Corps programs serve young people 18 to 24 with job training. While taking part in the program, participants are offered housing and meals on campus. More: Prattville approves $15M bond to fund city construction projects The Montgomery campus employs about 90 people, and has an yearly economic inpact of about $144 million, Reed said. Figures said continuing the training makes sense. "These are not a partisan issues, as the mayor has indicated," Figures said. "These are not things that fall along political lines. These are things that matter to real people. Creating jobs and maintaining a strong workforce is a bipartisan, shared, American ideal." The Job Corps program has real impact on the Montgomery region and the state, Reed said. '"It offers a second chance for our youth, a pipeline for our local industry and a key driver for our economy," he said. Contact Montgomery Advertiser reporter Marty Roney atmroney@ This article originally appeared on Montgomery Advertiser: Alabama leaders call to preserve federal job training program