
Assam Congress MP Gaurav Gogoi draws PM Modi's attention to irregularities in dairy project
GUWAHATI
Assam MP Gaurav Gogoi has drawn the attention of Prime Minister Narendra Modi to allegations of political favouritism and irregularities in two government-backed dairy projects, including one that entailed the eviction of migrant Muslims.
In a letter to the Prime Minister on Saturday (June 28, 2025), Mr. Gogoi, also the State Congress president, called for an immediate review of the Assistance to Entrepreneur for Establishment of Commercial Dairy Farming (2022–23) scheme, meant to help genuine entrepreneurs, but allegedly being misused.
'The scheme, which provides subsidies up to ₹50 lakh per unit, was designed to support dairy entrepreneurs and strengthen regional milk production. However, several beneficiaries reportedly include relatives and associates of ruling party ministers and MLAs,' Mr. Gogoi stated.
Some eligible and long-standing dairy farmers were overlooked, despite multiple applications, suggesting a lack of fairness and transparency in the beneficiary selection process, Mr. Gogoi said.
The Congress leader criticised Chief Minister Himanta Biswa Sarma for publicly defending the inclusion of family members of Ministers, MLAs, and MPs as beneficiaries under the scheme. 'This not only erodes public trust but reflects a troubling endorsement of political bias,' Mr. Gogoi said.
He also cited alleged irregularities in the ₹5.5 crore Gorukhuti agricultural project in the Darrang district, for which some 800 families of Bengali-speaking Muslims were evicted in September 2021. Two eople, including a minor, were killed in police firing during the eviction drive.
Gir cows procured under the Gorukhuti project were allotted to firms linked to an MP and at least four Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) MLAs, including a Minister, Mr. Gogoi said.
Terming the alleged resource diversion 'a serious betrayal of public interest', the Congress legislator urged the the PM to initiate an official enquiry into the matter to uphold transparency, accountability, and equitable access to public welfare programmes.
'If politically-connected individuals continue to siphon off schemes meant for the underprivileged, we risk alienating the very communities these policies are designed to empower,' Mr. Gogoi stated.
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For, by anointing her son, Sanjay, as her successor during the Emergency and, then, after Sanjay's death in 1980, making her other son, Rajiv, her heir, she introduced a pernicious political practice that ran contrary to the history and heritage of the Congress Party in which none of Mahatma Gandhi's children became an MP or minister after Independence, although all four had gone to prison during the freedom struggle. Indira's conversion of the country's oldest political party into a family firm encouraged leaders of other parties to do likewise. The Shiv Sena, the Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam, the Akalis, and the Trinamool Congress once stood for regional pride; now, that often takes second place to the perpetuation of the rule of the Thackerays, the Karunanidhis, the Badals, and the Banerjees, respectively. Likewise, the SP and the RJD stand for the continuation of family rule rather than for socialist ideology. Modi's parents were not in politics, and he has no children. This, in electoral terms, constitutes a colossal (and continuing) advantage he holds over his putative prime ministerial rival, whose elevated status in the Congress Party is owed entirely to the fact that he is the son of Rajiv and Sonia Gandhi and the grandson of Indira Gandhi. The contrast between Modi the self-made politician and Rahul the entitled dynast contributed in good measure to the BJP's victory in the last three general elections, and it may yet help them in the next. More generally, the national dominance of the BJP is enabled by the dynastic politics of the major parties opposed to them. This is a brutal fact that too many brave and well-meaning opponents of Hindu majoritarianism are unable or unwilling to acknowledge. Dynastic politics is one legacy of the Emergency that continues to exercise a baleful influence on Indian democracy in the present. Of all the prime ministers we have had since Independence, Indira Gandhi and Narendra Modi have been the two with instinctively authoritarian instincts. Whose regime has been worse? When reckoned in terms of freedom of expression, we are slightly better placed now, given the existence of a few independent websites and regional newspapers which tell the truth as it should be told. Likewise, there is a greater space for political opposition, principally because while in the Emergency all but one state government was controlled by the Congress, now more than half-a-dozen states are in the hands of parties strongly opposed to the BJP. On the other hand, since May 2014, our public institutions have been deeply and perhaps irreversibly damaged by excessive political interference. The bureaucracy and the diplomatic corps are largely compromised; the higher judiciary, only slightly less so. The tax authorities and the regulatory agencies are more 'committed' to their political bosses than ever before; so, arguably, is the Election Commission. Finally, and most worryingly, under Modi's watch the poison of religious bigotry has spread far, deep, and wide. This bigotry is increasingly manifest in everyday life on the ground, and in the speech and conduct of senior cabinet ministers (including the home minister and, on occasion, the prime minister), and of chief ministers of the BJP (notably those of Uttar Pradesh and Assam). The armed forces, once so proudly secular and non-sectarian, are increasingly asked to demonstrate a public allegiance to Hinduism and Hindu domination. This fusion of majoritarianism with authoritarianism constitutes the most damaging aspect of Narendra Modi's style of governance, which, even after he has finally demitted office, may take decades to undo and reverse.