
Bihar Voter List Trimmed By 52 Lakh By Election Commission
The controversial electoral roll revision in Bihar has weeded out 52 lakh voters who are dead or migrated, the Election Commission said today, assuring that "all eligible electors are included in the draft electoral roll to be published on August 1". Of the 52 lakh names removed, 18 lakh are reported dead, 26 lakh voters have shifted to different constituencies, and 7 lakh are enrolled at two places, the Commission said two days before the draft lists are expected.
Amid Opposition concerns about a chunk of voters being left out -- that led to a massive row and a court case -- the poll body has assured that there will be time to tweak the lists to include anyone who need to be included.
"As per the SIR order dated 24.06.2025, from August 1 to September 1, 2025, a full one-month will be available to any member of the public to file objections for any additions, deletions and rectification in Draft Electoral Rolls," the Commission said in a statement today.
The Commission has said each voter who submitted the enumeration form with or without documents will be included in the draft roll that would be published on August 1. If any voter has been unable to submit his enumeration forms, they can be included in the final rolls once they submit a claim in the prescribed form along with the declaration.
After the completion of the entire process, the final roll will be published on September 30, it added. And even after the publication, new voters can be enrolled up to the last date of nominations, the Commission has said.
"The entire election machinery, including nearly 1 lakh BLOs, 4 lakh volunteers and 1.5 lakh BLAs appointed by the District Presidents of all the 12 major political parties in Bihar are working together to search those electors who are yet to submit their Enumeration Forms (EFs) or have not been found at their addresses," read a statement from the poll body today.
The poll body has claimed that the Special Intensive Revision or SIR being conducted ahead of the assembly elections in Bihar, is its constitutional duty. In court, where the matter is pending, the Commission has argued that the entire process is being conducted in a consistent and jurisdictional manner, citing the powers conferred under Article 324 of the Constitution.
Hashtags

Try Our AI Features
Explore what Daily8 AI can do for you:
Comments
No comments yet...
Related Articles


Time of India
24 minutes ago
- Time of India
Gutkha Ban Vs Tasmac Sales: Contradiction in Tamil Nadu's Public Health Policy
Srimathi Venkatachari In Tamil Nadu, public health policy treads a morally ambiguous line between constitutional commitment and commercial convenience. The state, invoking Article 47 of the Constitution—mandating the govt to improve nutrition and public health and prohibit intoxicating substances — has banned gutka and pan masala citing cancer risks. Tired of too many ads? go ad free now At the same time, it operates and profits from the largest govt-run liquor retail monopoly in India: Tasmac. With more than `44,000 crore in annual revenue, the contradiction is not just glaring —it's institutional. This paradox reveals a deeper policy schizophrenia. On the one hand, the govt frames itself as a paternalistic guardian, shielding citizens from harmful substances. On the other, it plays bartender to the masses, peddling alcohol from every street corner, including those adjacent to schools, temples, and homes. The result is a public health framework that outlaws cancer but subsidizes cirrhosis. The 2013 ban on chewable tobacco was enforced under the Food Safety and Standards Act, 2006, a legislative tool designed to protect citizens from hazardous food items. The move received judicial backing. In Godawat Pan Masala Products Co. vs Union of India, the Supreme Court recognised the States' autonomy under the Food Safety law to restrict or ban harmful substances. Madras High Court, in Rathinam Enterprises vs State of Tamil Nadu, (2025) went further, approving the selective ban on processed tobacco while permitting the sale of raw tobacco leaves. Contrast this with the legal regime for alcohol. Here, Tamil Nadu enjoys a golden goose thanks to Entry 8 of the state list in the Constitution. It grants states the sole authority to regulate alcohol production, distribution and sale. Tired of too many ads? go ad free now As a result, the same govt that brands gutka a public enemy becomes a benevolent supplier of alcohol. Public health, in this calculus, bends easily to revenue imperatives. Legally, the state walks a careful line, but the cracks are evident. In state of Tamil Nadu vs K Balu (2017) the Supreme Court upheld state-imposed curbs on liquor sales, especially near national highways, affirming the govt's power to regulate in the public interest. Yet, public interest becomes an elastic term when liquor shops mysteriously reappear just meters from their original locations after 'relocation'. Citizens see through this charade. A Tasmac outlet may comply with zoning laws on paper while operating adjacent to residential zones in practice. Alcoholism, domestic violence and road fatalities climb, but liquor counters stay open, often with police protection. The result is what might be termed 'constitutional tokenism': the use of selective bans to appear health-conscious while running a vast, state-sponsored liquor empire. This satisfies constitutional formalities under the doctrine of 'reasonable classification' but fails the test of equity, ethics and lived experience. The social cost of alcohol consumption in Tamil Nadu is immense. Studies link it to rising domestic violence, workplace absenteeism, school dropouts and road accidents. Women's groups routinely protest Tasmac shops that operate in close proximity to homes, citing increased insecurity and disruption of family life. Many of these protests are met with silence or police force. Meanwhile, the fiscal reliance on liquor revenue makes meaningful reform nearly impossible. In some districts, revenue from Tasmac outstrips allocations for education and public health. The irony is cruel: schools go underfunded while liquor outlets enjoy round-the-clock supply chains. What makes this even more concerning is the regressive nature of this taxation. The poorest — daily-wage workers and labourers — spend disproportionately more on alcohol, while the state grows dependent on their addiction to meet budgetary targets. The paradox sharpens further when one looks at class. Elite society indulges alcohol in private clubs and gated communities, often with imported spirits and minimal state scrutiny. For the working class, Tasmac is the only accessible vendor, public, noisy, often unsafe. The state's liquor policy therefore not only sustains addiction, it stratifies it. The poor buy what the state sells; the rich import what the state ignores. There is no easy solution. Prohibition is neither feasible nor desirable, as Gujarat's failed experiment shows. But surely there is a middle path, one that involves decentralising liquor retail, investing in de-addiction centres, raising awareness about substance abuse, and capping the density of outlets in urban and rural areas. Most importantly, the state must confront its moral conflict: it cannot pose as a public health crusader while acting as the chief purveyor of addiction. Tamil Nadu's policymakers must ask themselves a basic question. Should the health of its people depend on the sale of what ails them? (The writer is an advocate in the Madras high court) Email your feedback with name and address to

Time of India
40 minutes ago
- Time of India
10000 IDF Soldiers Pay Heavy Price For Netanyahu's War; Sleep Loss, Mood Swings & PTSD...
Supreme Court Told Bihar Voter Roll Revision a 'Grave Fraud on Voters' The Supreme Court on Saturday heard serious allegations against the Election Commission's special intensive revision (SIR) of Bihar's electoral rolls. Petitioners, including the Association for Democratic Reforms and the RJD, claimed the process was marred by irregularities — with BLOs allegedly forging voter signatures, dead individuals shown as having submitted forms, and genuine voters excluded without notice. The petitioners argued that the EC's numbers were unreliable as forms were collected without proper documentation, putting lakhs at risk of disenfranchisement just ahead of the state elections. They also questioned why the EC rejected Aadhaar and ration cards as valid proof.#supremecourt #electioncommission #biharelections #voterfraud #electoralrolls #rjd #adr #voterlist #disenfranchisement #biharnews #manojjha #ashoklavasa #form6 #voteridentity #bloirregularities 152 views | 1 hour ago


Deccan Herald
40 minutes ago
- Deccan Herald
Those who don't understand Constitution criticise it: Kharge
Vijayapura: Some people who don't even understand the Constitution criticise it. Without the Constitution, we wouldn't have had freedom, equality, education, and voting rights for women. Because of the Constitution, people in this country have strength. For citizens to live in peace, happiness, and harmony, the Constitution is essential, said AICC president Mallikarjun was speaking at the remembrance programme of Fa Gu Halakatti, Banthanal Sanganabasava Shivayogi, B M Patil and Bangaramma Sajjan, who were instrumental in establishing and developing the BLDE institution, here on Sunday.'Some people say the individual comes first, and then the nation. I don't know how such thoughts struck their minds. If the nation survives, then everyone survives. So, we should understand that the nation comes first,' he said, in a veiled attack on Prime Minister Narendra about the caste census in the country, Kharge said those who have benefited from various facilities say it is not necessary. But those who are deprived of these benefits insist that a caste census should be done. Caste census is essential to bring equality in society and to provide opportunities to the underprivileged, he emphasised.'No regrets''I fought as the Leader of the Opposition in 1999 and worked hard to bring the party to power. But S M Krishna became the chief minister. Still, I have no regrets about missing that opportunity,' he said.'I have never chased power. I earned positions through my efforts. From being the Congress President to now holding the AICC post, I have reached this stage. You can't achieve anything if you work with selfish intentions,' he added.'When I was a six-year-old boy, I lost my mother and sister during the Razakar violence. I was raised under the care of my father, said Kharge, turning emotional as he recalled several incidents unfolded in his life.'Dhankhar must reveal'Former vice president Jagdeep Dhankhar himself should reveal the reason behind his sudden resignation, said to questions posed by media persons here on Sunday, he said only Modi and Dhankhar know the real reason for the vice president's resignation. We are not aware of what happened between has always sided with the central government. We were never given a chance to speak about farmers' problems, the plight of the poor or international matters, he expressed we tried to raise issues concerning the poor, it was portrayed as a Hindu-Muslim conflict, he added.