
WHO accuses Israel Defense Forces of mistreating its staff, families
The WHO said in a news release Monday that it condemned "in the strongest terms the attacks on a building housing WHO staff in Deir al Balah in Gaza, the mistreatment of those sheltering there," and the destruction of its main warehouse nearby.
"Staff and their families, including children, were exposed to grave danger and traumatized after airstrikes caused a fire and significant damage. Israeli military entered the premises, forcing women and children to evacuate on foot toward Al-Mawasi amid active conflict," the statement said.
"Male staff and family members were handcuffed, stripped, interrogated on the spot, and screened at gunpoint. Two WHO staff and two family members were detained. Three were later released, while one staff member remains in detention."
WHO said it had to rescue 32 people, including women and children and evacuate them to the nearby WHO office, along with a further 11 people in other staff housing.
The Israeli military acknowledged, without naming the WHO, that it had detained several terror suspects as part of its operations targeting terrorist organizations in the area, insisting it was within its rights to act against threats to Israel's security. It also claimed it coordinated with the international organizations and ensured their staff were kept safe while they were being evacuated.
"After field questioning, the majority were released and evacuated from the area in coordination with the international organizations. It should be emphasized that the suspects are treated in accordance with international law. At times during field questioning, it is necessary for suspects to temporarily remove parts of their clothing in order to ensure that they are not concealing explosives or weapons," the IDF said in a post on X.
"The IDF has facilitated the safe evacuations of their personnel from evacuated areas, in coordination with the troops and in accordance with operational requirements."
The WHO demanded that its staff be protected at all times and called for the immediate release of the remaining detained staff member.
Monday's incident came after the Israel Defense Forces launched an air and ground offensive targeting Deir al-Balah, where tens of thousands of displaced Palestinians have been sheltering.
Before the start of the operation, the first attack on the central Gaza town since the start of the war, Israel issued evacuation orders affecting at least 50,000 people and several WHO premises in the area.
WHO said attacks on staff and destruction of its main warehouse were part of "a pattern of systematic destruction of health facilities" that had left the operational capability of the United Nations' lead health agency badly compromised.

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USA Today
2 hours ago
- USA Today
Israel, US recall teams from Gaza truce talks; violence near aid distribution continues
On Friday's episode of The Excerpt podcast: Israel and the United States recalled their delegations from Gaza ceasefire talks for consultations Thursday. Plus, hundreds of people have been killed in recent weeks trying to reach food, mostly in mass shootings by Israeli soldiers posted near Gaza Humanitarian Foundation distribution centers. USA TODAY Senior National Columnist for Health and Wellness Laura Trujillo takes a closer look at President Donald Trump and Jeffrey Epstein's relationship over the years. Two GOP senators call for a special counsel to probe former President Barack Obama over the 2016 Trump-Russia investigation. USA TODAY White House Correspondent Joey Garrison discusses a new executive order that makes it easier for cities and states to remove homeless people from the streets. Hulk Hogan has died at 71. Hit play on the player below to hear the podcast and follow along with the transcript beneath it. This transcript was automatically generated, and then edited for clarity in its current form. There may be some differences between the audio and the text. Podcasts: True crime, in-depth interviews and more USA TODAY podcasts right here Taylor Wilson: Good morning. I'm Taylor Wilson, and today is Friday, July 25th, 2025. This is USA TODAY's The Excerpt. Today controversy over US humanitarian aid deliveries and Gaza as hunger concerns grow. Plus we discuss an executive order making it easier to remove homeless people from the streets. And we remember Hulk Hogan. ♦ Israel and the US recalled their delegations from Gaza ceasefire talks for consultations yesterday with US envoy, Steve Witkoff accusing Hamas of failing to act in good faith in the talks. It marked the latest setback in efforts to secure a deal that would bring a ceasefire to Gaza and secure the release of Israeli hostages held by Hamas. Earlier this week, more than 100 largely aid and rights groups called for governments to take action as hunger spreads in Gaza. More than 800 people have been killed in recent weeks trying to reach food, mostly in mass shootings by Israeli soldiers posted near Gaza Humanitarian Foundation distribution centers. Women going to pick up aid for their families yesterday said US contractors organizing distribution asked them to come to pick up goods and then fired tear gas and pepper spray at them. Asked for comment, a spokesperson for the aid organization, the GHF said a limited amount of pepper spray was used to prevent civilian injury due to overcrowding. GHF, a US and Israeli-backed organization began distributing food packages in Gaza at the end of May. The UN has called the GHF's model unsafe and a breach of humanitarian in impartiality standards, which GHF denies. Executive Director of the World Peace Foundation at Tufts University Alex de Waal outlined some of the criticisms speaking to Reuters. Alex de Waal: The ration that they are providing is less than the humanitarian ration provided by the United Nations. None of the specialized services such as supplementary therapeutic feeding for malnourished children are a part of this package. These are all the reasons why the United Nations and most professional humanitarians are very critical of the Gaza Humanitarian Foundation scheme. Taylor Wilson: You can read more on ♦ Deputy US Attorney General Todd Blanche said he met Jeffrey Epstein's longtime associate, Ghislaine Maxwell, yesterday and will meet her again today. She's serving a twenty-year sentence at a federal prison in Tallahassee after a jury convicted her of sex trafficking in 2021. The meetings come as President Donald Trump and his administration face continued pressure to release additional information about the Justice Department's investigation into Epstein. But what do we know about Trump and Epstein's relationship over the years? I spoke with USA TODAY Senior National Columnist for Health and Wellness Laura Trujillo for more. Laura, thank you so much for joining me on this. Laura Trujillo: Thanks for inviting me. Taylor Wilson: Let's just start here. How did the Trump, Epstein relationship originate? Laura Trujillo: From what we understand they really became friends around 1990. This is when Epstein bought a mansion about two miles from Trump's Mar-a-Lago, which he just bought about five years before. And they both, if you think about this, were really rich guys from New York, both really doing well and two miles isn't that far apart when you're two rich guys with mansions, you end up in the same social circles. We really don't know if they were best friends or something like that. We know they ran with the same group. We know they were at dinner parties together and at different events, but we're really not sure how close they were. Taylor Wilson: You touched on this, Laura, but in terms of where they would actually hang out, we know South Florida is involved here, New York City. Was this really about Mar-a-Lago? Was it about the infamous Epstein Island? Where would they run into each other? Laura Trujillo: It seems to be both New York and Florida, mostly at Mar-a-Lago. And that's a lot of photos that we have from events at Mar-a-Lago, mostly with models, with cheerleaders, parties, that type of thing. And in New York, we don't know at this point if there were trips to Epstein Island that has not shown up yet, but we also don't have all of the files. We know that Trump was on Epstein's plane between Florida and New York, but that doesn't tell us where he went. Taylor Wilson: Laura, I know you touched on this in your piece, how are modeling agencies and beauty pageants really a part of this story and their relationship? Laura Trujillo: Mostly Trump has talked about enjoying spending time with women and young women. He really didn't make a secret of this. Epstein lived a little bit quieter than Trump. I think we know that having heard Trump, he likes to talk about it. He bragged about getting access to young women on some interviews we've heard with Howard Stern. They both were involved with modeling agencies, so Epstein invested in one. We also later learned that Epstein used scouting models as a way to procure underage girls. With Trump, he started an agency in 1999. It had a lot of legacy models, and in fact, Melania was a model there before he met her. And it did have some teen models as well. Trump also, as we know, bought beauty pageants. He owned the Miss Universe Pageant, Miss Teen Pageant, and he seemed to really like to talk about that. And we've got stories of him going into the dressing rooms at these pageants and sort of making a joke about it. But I think sometimes when you hear quotes decades later, they may ring true in a different way. Taylor Wilson: All right, so Laura, what finally led to their falling out? Laura Trujillo: We think, which this is definitely a rich guy thing, they both wanted to buy the same mansion in Palm Beach, and it turned out that Trump outbid Epstein for it. And when he outbid him, it was for $41 million. And then Trump turned around and flipped it for 95 million a few years later to a Russian billionaire. And so that's one of the things people talk about. Another is that other reports say that Epstein and Trump broke up after Ghislaine Maxwell solicited the daughter of a Mar-a-Lago member. And the father complained to Trump, and that's when Trump said he kicked Epstein out of Mar-a-Lago for being a creep, so we don't know exactly what happened, but we know that those were two things that have come up. We do know that Epstein was at Trump's wedding in 2005, but that's really the last time they've been linked. Taylor Wilson: All right, so how has Trump addressed Epstein since taking the Oval Office? Is there any difference this term also versus Trump's first term? Laura Trujillo: I have, in 2019, Trump was saying he wasn't a fan of Epstein. And at that point he also was alleging that Bill Clinton was connected to Epstein's death, so there was a real call at that time from Trump to learn more about the Epstein client list and to find out if there was this wider child abuse conspiracy. Moving forward into this term and this week, we've seen so much about Epstein just swirling around the President with the MAGA movement promising all of these revelations and Trump now seeming to say he's fine with these files being released, but we've got Republicans pushing back and so it's going to be interesting to see what happens. Taylor Wilson: Lots of developments still to come. Laura Trujillo is a senior national columnist covering health and wellness for USA TODAY. Thanks, Laura. Laura Trujillo: Thank you. ♦ Taylor Wilson: Two Republican senators are calling for the Justice Department to appoint a special counsel to investigate whether former President Barack Obama and his staff were involved in an effort to undermine Donald Trump's 2016 presidential campaign. The push by Senators Lindsey Graham and John Cornyn comes after national intelligence director, Tulsi Gabbard, in a press briefing earlier this week, alleged she had evidence the Obama administration promoted a contrived narrative that Russia interfered in the 2016 election to help Trump, arguing that it was not true. Russia did attempt to interfere in the 2016 presidential election in favor of Trump, but according to former special counsel Robert Mueller's 2019 final report and a 2020 bipartisan Senate Intelligence Committee assessment. Trump has long said the investigations into his first White House campaign and its connections with Russia are a hoax. ♦ President Trump yesterday took executive action, making it easier for cities and states to remove homeless people from the streets. I spoke with USA TODAY White House correspondent Joey Garrison to learn more. Thanks for joining me, Joey. Joey Garrison: Hey, thanks for having me on. Taylor Wilson: Joey, what will this executive order do about homelessness? Joey Garrison: President Trump took executive action on Thursday signing an order that really makes it easier for cities and states really encourages them to remove homeless people from the streets and from encampments and move them over to rehabilitation and treatment centers. This is done in a couple of ways. First of all, Trump is directing his attorney general, Pam Bondi, to challenge judicial precedents both at the federal and state levels, try to reverse those precedents and consent decrees that currently limit the ability of local and state governments to remove homeless people from the streets. The order also sets forth, though this part is a little unclear, redirecting federal funds to these centers where Trump wants to move homeless people to. And it's not clear exactly how much money will be allocated for this or from where that money is going to be coming from. And also, he's ordered several federal agencies, including HHS and HUD, to start prioritizing federal grants to states and cities that prohibit homeless encampments, so this is a direct incentive for the federal government to crack down on homelessness camps. And so that's the big things that this sweeping homeless EO from Trump seeks to accomplish. Taylor Wilson: And Joey, what did we hear from the White House about why they feel this is necessary in this moment? Joey Garrison: Trump has long talked about the homeless issue in the country. He makes the comments often about Washington DC when he is driving around in the presidential vehicle he looks out the window and sees these homelessness camps. It's always been something that he's talked about. It falls under this law and order umbrella that Trump has long talked about. And there are numbers to back up, the fact that homelessness is at an all-time high in the country right now, HUD does an annual count of the number of people sleeping on the streets on a single night each year. And last January 2024 they counted over 770,000 on a single night. That was a 18% increase over the previous year. And so there is an issue, of course, with the rise of homelessness in many cities. Taylor Wilson: Wow. Trump's action here follows a major Supreme Court move as well earlier this year on homeless camps, Joey, what did they decide? Can we go back to that for a moment? Joey Garrison: Yeah, that's a huge point, what's going on in the background here. In June, just a month ago, the Supreme Court ruled that individuals can be arrested and fined for sleeping and public spaces. They upheld a homelessness ban in a City of Grant Pass, Oregon that prohibits homeless people from sleeping outdoors. In that city they have fines starting at $250 per individual as well as jail time for repeat offenses. You have this opinion, which was a six three conservative majority ruling that essentially upholds cities and states banning homelessness in their communities. And so with that authority upheld by the Supreme Court, you're seeing this real proactive executive order from Trump for cities and states to really go after homelessness in their cities. Taylor Wilson: Well, Joey, as for this week's executive order, are we hearing any pushback? What do critics say about this latest action out of the White House? Joey Garrison: Not surprisingly, a lot of homelessness advocates are condemning this, and I think there's a lot of questions here. First of all, this idea of removing people from where they live on streets to centers. There's a lot of questions whether these rehabilitation centers, whether there's enough beds to house an entire homelessness population. You look at cities on the West Coast like Los Angeles and San Francisco, which have really large numbers of homeless people. I think a lot of homeless advocates say the best way is to address the housing problem right now in this country. The affordability issue with buying a home has never been greater really than it is right now. They argue that this isn't the right way to try to tackle this problem, that it's really rather inhumane to sweep the streets of people who are living there. Taylor Wilson: Joey Garrison covers the White House for USA TODAY. Thank you, Joey. Joey Garrison: Thanks so much. ♦ Taylor Wilson: Hulk Hogan has died. Hogan, whose legal name is Terry Bollea was influential on the rise of wrestling worldwide and WWE's first major star. As WWE became the dominant wrestling company, his stardom grew and he headlined the first nine editions of WrestleMania with his most iconic moment coming at WrestleMania III in 1987. Defending the World Heavyweight Championship against longtime rival, Andre the Giant Hogan picked him up and delivered the body slam heard around the world, and his popularity spread outside the ring with appearances and TV shows and movies. He wasn't without scandal though, he testified admitting he took steroids. And then in 2015 he was caught on tape making racist comments that severely tarnished his popularity and legacy. WWE distanced itself from Hogan in the fallout, but he eventually returned to making appearances with the company in 2018. He made his last appearance for WWE in January. Hulk Hogan was 71. ♦ Thanks for listening to The Excerpt. We're produced by Shannon Rae Green and Kaely Monahan, and our executive producer is Laura Beatty. You can get the podcast wherever you get your pods, and as always, you can email us at podcasts at I'm Taylor Wilson. I'll be back tomorrow with more of The Excerpt from USA TODAY.


Los Angeles Times
2 hours ago
- Los Angeles Times
‘Kill them all': Sectarian violence turns Syrian city into a slaughterhouse
SWEIDA, Syria — The last thing Hatem Radhwan heard the fighters say was, 'Kill them all. We don't want them identifying us.' That's when the five gunmen, clad in desert camouflage uniforms and who claimed they were with Syria's Ministry of Defense, cocked their AK-47 rifles, shouted, 'You pigs!' and sprayed the room with bullets. Radhwan, a 70-year-old blacksmith, felt a bullet or a piece of debris — he couldn't tell — graze his upper lip. He fell to the ground as the gunmen continued to fire. Rashad Abu Saadeh, a neighbor who hid in his apartment across the street, heard the gunfire. 'For more than half a minute they kept shooting,' he said. 'It felt like a long, long time.' The killings at the Radhwan family salon were part of a paroxysm of sectarian violence that engulfed the Druze-majority city of Sweida last week. The fighting, which involved tank and mortar bombardment, summary executions and Israeli airstrikes, left some 1,380 dead, displaced more than 120,000 others — and turned what once was a well-appointed city, largely spared the ravages of Syria's 14-year civil war, into a slaughterhouse. 'There isn't a single home in the whole province that isn't grieving someone,' said Randa Mihrez, one of the coroners at Sweida National Hospital. A truce halted the clashes — which began this month between Bedouin clans and the Druze religious minority — but the tallying of the losses continues. Mihrez's colleague Akram Naim scrolled through images of the 509 corpses brought to the hospital's courtyard during the fighting. They were transferred to a mass grave on Wednesday after days of decomposing in the summer heat. 'The youngest victim was 3 months old, killed by shrapnel that hit her stomach,' he said. He clicked on another photo — a young girl, her head turned to the side, with a morose expression on her face. A scarlet line ran across her throat. 'This one was 14. She was slaughtered,' Naim said, his voice subdued. 'These are only the people we know about and who could reach us,' Mihrez said, adding that many victims were buried in makeshift graves near people's homes because the hospital had been surrounded during much of the battles. 'The final tally will be much worse,' he said. At the Radhwan house, the blacksmith finally dared to open his eyes five minutes after the gunmen left, only to find 17 of his family members bloodied around him. Thirteen were killed outright; four others survived but remain in critical condition, while a fifth relative died later. Radhwan was the only one mostly unharmed. 'They were screaming, and I tried to move them, to help them somehow. But I kept slipping on the blood,' Radhwan said, his gaze following the brown-red stain that crept from the couch down to the salon floor. 'One relative was bleeding out and barely alive. He was begging, 'Shoot me.' But I had no weapons on me. I would have done it otherwise,' he said. The crisis in Sweida, which comes at the heels of similar bouts of sectarian bloodshed against minorities by state-aligned groups, highlights the challenges facing interim President Ahmad al-Sharaa, who seized power in December after leading a coalition of rebel groups to topple longtime dictator Bashar Assad. Though he received support from President Trump — who fast-tracked the lifting of sanctions, reopened the U.S. Embassy in Damascus and dispatched an envoy who has championed the new government — Al-Sharaa has so far failed to convince rival factions to centralize under his authority, and his government forces have essentially aligned themselves with the Bedouins. Instead, the euphoria over Assad's ouster has been replaced by sense of foreboding among many Syrians, especially minorities, who distrust Al-Sharaa's Islamist past. More hard-line members of his faction, the onetime Al Qaeda-affiliated Hayat Tahrir al Sham, view Druze as heretics who should be killed. That has been especially true for the Druze, adherents of a syncretic sect that is an offshoot of Shiite Islam who constitute some 3% of Syria's population. There are an estimated 1 million Druze worldwide, half of them in Syria and the rest in Lebanon, Israel and elsewhere. Many Syrian Druze speak proudly — and often — of their sect's role in building the country's nationalist consciousness, with families touting their filial link to Sultan Al-Atrash, a revolutionary who mounted an uprising against French rule in Syria in the 1920s. Sweida, both the city and the eponymously named province, are the only areas of the country with a Druze majority. During the civil war, Sweida kept a wary distance from both Assad and the opposition, and government allowed it some measure of autonomy. Since Assad's exit, prominent figures in the Druze community have sought to have a good relationship with Damascus, but the militias have rejected integration under Al-Sharaa's armed services, which they say are composed of unruly factions not totally under the interim leader's control. When tit-for-tat kidnappings and robberies between Bedouins and Druze escalated into open warfare this month, the government mobilized its forces to restore order. But Druze residents accused them of engaging in a sectarian killing rampage, and fought back. Israel, which since Assad's exit occupies wide swaths of its northern neighbor's border areas and has demanded south Syria be a demilitarized zone, responded to demands from its own Druze to protect their coreligionists and launched airstrikes targeting the Damascus headquarters of the Syrian army and the presidential palace. It also struck forces in Sweida, forcing them to withdraw. In the aftermath of those strikes, Al-Sharaa accused Israel of interfering in Syrian affairs and trying to keep the country weak. But on Thursday, the U.S. special envoy to Syria, Tom Barrack, said he met with Syrian and Israeli officials in Paris to broker 'dialogue and de-escalation' — the first high-level talks between the two countries since 2000. 'And we accomplished precisely that. All parties reiterated their commitment to continuing these efforts,' Barrack wrote on X on Thursday. Meanwhile, the mood in the city of Sweida remains tense. Standing near the fire-blackened husk of an Israeli-hit tank, Yamen Zughayer, a Druze faction commander, looked down a road leading out of Sweida. 'There are still bodies of our people we can't get back. A sniper is waiting for us down there,' he said. He walked down a side street, pointing out the singed remains of houses that he said were torched by Bedouins and government-linked fighters. 'For 14 years of the war, nothing happened to Sweida. [For] three hours the government came in, and look what happened,' he said. Zughayer, a 35-year-old who usually worked as a car dealer, said the tragedies inflicted on Sweida proved Druze suspicious of Al-Sharaa were correct. 'What do you think would have happened if we didn't have our guns? We're sitting here talking to you because of them,' Zughayer said, adding that he wouldn't accept any solution that didn't involve the militiamen retaining their arms. Hashem Thabet, another fighter standing nearby, said although he did not want Israel controlling the territory, the actions of the Syrian government were driving Druze like him away. 'I don't care who comes to protect me as long as they do it. If it's Israel, then welcome Israel,' he said. The government, he added, is 'pushing us into its arms.' A few miles away from where he stood vigil, on a bare mountain outside Sweida's outskirts, Basel Abu Saab looked with grim satisfaction at the trench he had dug with his bulldozer — a mass grave for 149 people from the hospital who were either unidentified or whose families were unable to bury them. 'Initially, we wanted to bury them in the hospital's backyard, but administrators worried we'd contaminate the water reservoir,' Abu Saab said. 'The bodies were decomposing too much in the sun, they were becoming unrecognizable. We just couldn't wait anymore.' Yes, the location chosen for the mass grave was far from the city, he added, but it also was far from the fighting. Abu Saab trudged back to the nearby road, walking around a pit where he had buried the blood-soiled body bags, his nose wrinkling at the scent. From the pit's edge, the edge of a hospital garment peeked out, fluttering erratically in the dusk breeze.


Vox
2 hours ago
- Vox
Is anyone going to stop a looming death spiral in Gaza?
covers politics Vox. She first joined Vox in 2019, and her work has also appeared in Politico, Washington Monthly, and the New Republic. Palestinians carrying pans gather to receive hot meals, distributed by a charity organization in Gaza City, where residents are struggling to access food due to the ongoing Israeli blockade and attacks on July 23, 2025. Khames Alrefi/Anadolu via Getty Images Gaza is on the brink of a mass starvation crisis, and once it starts, it will be difficult if not impossible to stop. The Palestinian population of the Gaza Strip has faced various levels of food insecurity throughout the war that Israel has waged on the territory since Hamas's October 7, 2023, attack, fluctuating with the amount of aid Israel has allowed to enter the enclave via checkpoints it controls. In March 2024, the Integrated Food Security Phase Classification (IPC) — the primary organization tracking food insecurity worldwide — issued a warning that every resident of Gaza was at risk of crisis levels of food insecurity, and half were at risk of famine. (Crisis levels are reached when a population has 'food consumption gaps alongside acute malnutrition' or is 'only just able to meet their food needs, resorting to crisis coping strategies like selling off essential livelihood assets.' Famine is the most serious form of hunger, involving a complete lack of access to food and resulting starvation and death.) A famine was never officially declared, and food access peaked during the negotiated ceasefire reached in January. In March, Israel cut off all shipments into the Gaza Strip, including food aid, when the ceasefire expired. Israel justified it as a tactical strategy to get Hamas to release more Israeli hostages as part of continuing negotiations. The flow of humanitarian aid has since slowed to a trickle under the purview of the Gaza Humanitarian Foundation, a private group backed by the US and Israeli governments. It began operating in May, and is the sole entity that has been allowed to deliver food. Almost one-third of the 2.1 million people remaining in Gaza are not eating for multiple days in a row, according to the United Nations World Food Programme. Israel has also made it treacherous for hungry Gazans to even access food from the GHF. The UN estimates that the Israeli military has killed more than 1,000 Palestinians trying to get aid in Gaza since May. There are four GHF distribution centers throughout Gaza, three of which are in areas where the Israeli military has issued evacuation orders, and they are often only open for short periods of time, sometimes spurring crowds to rush to get provisions. After enduring more than 21 months in a war zone with inadequate nutrition, the population of Gaza is worn down, and humanitarian groups say that imminent famine will likely cause many to die — not just from hunger, but also from preventable disease that their bodies can no longer fight off. To understand how Gaza got to this point and what happens next, I spoke with Jeremy Konyndyk, president of Refugees International, an organization that advocates for humanitarian assistance and protection for displaced people. Our conversation below has been edited for length and clarity. How has access to food in Gaza changed throughout the course of the war? What happened from really almost the start of the war through all of last year was a population that was hovering right at the edge of a starvation emergency, but never quite dipping fully into it. The Israeli government had been hugely restricting aid through January and February of 2024. The warning of potential famine came out in early March [2024], and then they subsequently allowed a great deal more aid in in April, and the situation improved. Some of the concessions that the Israelis then made in late March into April, and somewhat beyond that, really did make a meaningful difference. And then the Rafah offensive started in May, and things worsened again after that. The period of the ceasefire [beginning in January 2025] was the best period for aid access since the war began. For six weeks, hundreds of aid trucks were coming in every day. There was relative freedom of movement and freedom of operation for aid organizations who previously had been heavily, heavily constricted by [Israel Defense Forces] operations and permission structures. There was always just enough that would be allowed in to prevent the kind of full-blown famine outcomes that I think we're now beginning to see. Why is the population of Gaza now on the brink of starvation? If you fully cut someone off [from food] when they are otherwise in good health, it's going to take longer for them to deteriorate. If they have spent a year-plus being one step removed from starvation, then they're much more vulnerable. Another shock to their system has the risk to be much, much more damaging. I think that's what we're now seeing, when Israel withdrew from the ceasefire in March and imposed a total, complete, hermetic blockade on Gaza. There was, for a while, enough residual aid that had been brought in during the population could stretch that out and and make do for a while before the deprivation really started to bite again. I would argue what we're seeing is still effectively an extension of that blockade, because the primary aid that Israel has been allowing in is through this Gaza Humanitarian Foundation, which is not a meaningful factor in terms of the hunger situation in Gaza. The amounts they've been letting in are vanishingly small. This Gaza Humanitarian Foundation is distributing modest amounts of very poor quality aid to, as far as we can tell, a pretty limited number of people: the ones who happen to be able to get to their sites, which is not most of the population. The cost of a bag of flour has gone up from 50 shekels during the ceasefire earlier this year to over 1,700 now. What happens if famine sets in now? When you have a population that is that stressed, whose health has deteriorated that much, or is [already] in such an advanced state of population-level food deprivation and malnutrition, then things can turn bad very rapidly, because there is nothing to stand in the way of starvation. We have seen this kind of a trajectory in other settings before. Once people's coping mechanisms are exhausted, once their food and financial reserves are exhausted, once their bodies are in a very weakened state due to sustained malnutrition over a long period of time, then it doesn't take much to kill someone. It is very hard for your body to fight off disease or survive an injury, or even just survive. In most famines, we see mortality coming from a mix of both outright starvation and opportunistic infections. So people's bodies are greatly weakened, and they can't fight off diseases that would otherwise be very survivable. There is nothing coming on the horizon to improve that situation unless the Israeli government allows the mainstream professional humanitarian community to actually do their fucking jobs, and that is the one thing they will not allow. Famines have a momentum, and the longer that they are allowed to deepen, the harder they are to reverse. You need your standard food aid package distributed at scale. But you also need specialized, fortified food products, because people are in such an advanced state of malnutrition. You need advanced therapeutic malnutrition treatment, because a lot more people are now going to be coming into an advanced state of malnutrition that requires inpatient malnutrition treatment. You need clean water because the food that's being distributed has to be prepared with water. You need fuel so that people can cook the foods. You need medical treatment because many people who die in a famine die of disease, rather than outright starvation. And you need to improve sanitation, because if people do not have good sanitation, that's what allows the spread of waterborne diseases. None of that's possible right now. Why in your view has the Gaza Humanitarian Foundation been so ineffective? A core principle of humanitarian aid delivery is you want to get the aid as close to where the population is as possible. Gaza Humanitarian Foundation inverts that: They make the people come to the aid, rather than bringing the aid to the people. And they make people come to the aid through a deeply insecure territory, past IDF forces, who have been consistently trigger-happy anytime they see a crowd of Palestinians nearby. I and others warned very early on that this was likely to produce massacres, that this model was a recipe for disaster. Another core principle of humanitarian aid is that you must not provide aid in a way that increases the risk to the population. There's a very strongly ingrained ethos of 'do no harm.' This is a 'do harm' ethos, if anything. You're creating a situation where, in order to access aid, you compel people to cross a military perimeter where they are routinely shot at. That is not humanitarianism. Some advocates have suggested that Israel is using starvation as a weapon of war. Do you agree with that? That's indisputable. It's explicit. They want Hamas to relent, and they see the starvation of the population as a pressure point there. Do you think the US is complicit in that? I think the US is certainly complicit in that. I think even the Biden administration bears a degree of complicity in that, because they put somewhat more pressure on the Israeli government than the Trump administration has. But fundamentally, they tolerated the situation that brought Gaza to this point. They tolerated a year-plus of starvation tactics being used, deprivation and illegal blockade tactics being used, and obstruction of aid, including aid provided by the US government. Rather than taking that on with the Netanyahu government, they did gimmick after gimmick. They did air drops. They did that ridiculous pier operation. It wasn't until nearly the very end of the administration that they sent the formal letter to the Israeli government demanding concrete progress. And then, of course, there was no meaningful progress.