US strikes set back Iran nuclear programme by up to two years, Pentagon says
'We have degraded their programme by one to two years at least. Intel [intelligence] assessments inside the [Defence] Department assess that,' Pentagon spokesman Sean Parnell told journalists, later adding: 'We're thinking probably closer to two years.'
American B-2 bombers hit two Iranian nuclear sites with GBU-57 bunker-buster bombs last month, while a guided missile submarine struck a third site with Tomahawk cruise missiles.
Israel launched an unprecedented air campaign on Iranian nuclear sites, scientists and top military commanders on June 13 in a bid to end the country's nuclear programme, which Tehran says is for civilian purposes but Washington and other powers insist is aimed at acquiring atomic weapons.
US President Donald Trump spent weeks pursuing a diplomatic path to replace the nuclear deal between world powers and Tehran, which he tore up during his first term in 2018, but he ultimately decided to take military action.
Hashtags
Try Our AI Features
Explore what Daily8 AI can do for you:
Comments
No comments yet...
Related Articles
The National
21 minutes ago
- The National
Ten Middle East countries with mandatory military service
In recent years, several Middle Eastern states have introduced or reintroduced military conscription, particularly in the Gulf, motivated by goals of national cohesion, identity, and addressing unemployment. This week, Jordan became the most recent nation to announce its intention to reintroduce mandatory military service 34 years after it was abolished in 1991. So, which countries have military conscription in the region, and what are the conditions for each? UAE: 9 – 24 months Introduced in 2014 under a 44-article law, Emirati men aged 18–30 must serve nine months if they hold a secondary education and 24 months if they do not. Women may volunteer. Kuwait: 12 months Kuwait reinstated conscription in 2017 after having it from 1961 to 2001. The government reintroduced mandatory military service to strengthen national identity and enhance military readiness. Qatar: 4 – 12 months In 2013, Qatar passed a law introducing mandatory military service, primarily to foster national identity and civic engagement among its citizens. The programme, implemented in 2015, aims to instil a sense of patriotism and belonging. In 2018, the programme was expanded to include women. Egypt: 12-36 months One of the most established conscription systems in the Mena region, in place since 1955. It also has one of the largest in the Arab world. All men between the ages of 18 and 30 are required to serve, with the duration depending on education level: 36 months for those without a high school diploma, 24 months for high school graduates, and 12 months for university graduates. Morocco, Algeria and Tunisia: Minimum 12 months Mandatory conscription was reintroduced in Morocco in 2019 for men and women aged 19-25. In Tunisia, conscription is compulsory for men and women between 20-25 and in Algeria all citizens over the age of 19 must also serve a mandatory period of 12 months. The primary motivation for reinstatement across these three North African nations has officially been to encourage social cohesion and ameliorate unemployment. Turkey: 6-12 months Military conscription in Turkey has existed continuously since 1927, making it one of the longest-standing in the region. Today, the service is typically 6-12 months, but may be shortened with a substantial financial contribution, and deferments are permitted for some students and professionals. Although women in Turkey have never been required to serve, they can do so voluntarily. Iran: 18-24 months Military conscription in Iran has existed since 1924 and is mandatory for men. Service usually lasts 24 months, with exemptions for students, medical conditions, only sons, and families of "martyrs". Women are not drafted, but may volunteer. Proof of service is critical for many aspects of daily life, making it one of the most binding conscription systems in the region. Israel: 24-32 months Israel has the most comprehensive and long-standing conscription system, covering both men and women. Introduced with the establishment of the state in 1948, the system requires Jewish men and women, as well as Druze men, to serve in the Israeli army. Men typically serve 32 months (reduced from the previous 36), while women serve 24 months (though some combat roles require 32). After active duty, all conscripts enter the reserves and may be called up for years. Certain groups are exempt: Israeli Arabs (with the exception of Druze and some Bedouin volunteers) and most ultra-Orthodox Jews, although this exemption has been fiercely contested in Israeli politics recently. Iraq: Abolished 2003 Iraq had compulsory military service for about 70 years from the 1930s until 2003. Since the US-led invasion and the fall of Saddam Hussein, Iraq has had no conscription system. Its armed forces are volunteer-only, though the idea of reinstating a draft has occasionally resurfaced in Iraqi politics. Syria: Abolished 2024 Mandatory conscription was abolished as of December 2024, and service is now voluntary under the new transitional authorities. Previously, Syria had a long and often brutal history of compulsory conscription rules and service was often extended beyond the standard 12-21 months. During the country's civil war, many were forced to serve well beyond official terms, with some exceeding a decade. Jordan: Abolished in 1991 with plans to reinstate in 2026 Jordan had a long history of military conscription, with compulsory service from 1966 to 1991, during which time men aged 18-40 had to serve a minimum of two years. In light of recent events in the region, Jordan's Crown Prince Hussein bin Abdullah II announced on Sunday that the programme would strengthen national identity and young people's connection to their homeland. Lebanon: Abolished 2007 Conscription was abolished in 2007 after the end of the country's civil wars. Before that, men aged 18 and over served 12 months (reduced to six months in 2005 before abolition). The Lebanese army is now volunteer-only. Libya: Rules unclear Although military conscription in the country has a long history dating back to the 1950s, and was firmly in place during Muammar Qaddafi's 42-year rule, since Qaddafi's fall, Libya has had no unified or consistently enforced conscription system. Different authorities (the Tripoli-based Government of National Unity, the eastern Libyan National Army, militias) have announced plans for national service at different times, but implementation has been weak or purely local. Saudi Arabia, Palestine, Bahrain, Oman, Yemen These countries never implemented compulsory conscription; military services for Saudi Arabia, Palestine, Bahrain, Oman and Yemen are voluntary. In the case of Saudi Arabia this is due to the large number of volunteer recruits, with the government reporting volunteer numbers that far exceed the capacity of its military training facilities.
Middle East Eye
30 minutes ago
- Middle East Eye
How Israel's abuse of Palestinian prisoners escalated after 7 October
The moment Israel began the genocide in Gaza, a parallel war has unfolded in the shadows: the systematic torture of Palestinian prisoners, in some cases, to death. While the mistreatment of Palestinian detainees in Israeli prisons has long been documented by human rights organisations, the abuses have sharply escalated since the onset of the war on 7 October 2023. Arrests, deaths in custody, and allegations of abuse have all surged to record levels. Both international and Israeli human rights groups have condemned the abuses, with B'Tselem referring to Israeli prisons as 'torture camps'. Nearly two years into the Gaza genocide, fresh reports of torture and deaths in custody continue to emerge from Israeli detention centres. New MEE newsletter: Jerusalem Dispatch Sign up to get the latest insights and analysis on Israel-Palestine, alongside Turkey Unpacked and other MEE newsletters It coincides with Israel's suspension of all humanitarian visits by the International Committee of the Red Cross to Palestinian prisoners, a move implemented at the outset of the war. The abuse has spared no one, including Marwan Barghouti, one of the most prominent Palestinian political prisoners. A video released last week shows him looking gaunt and aged, wearing only a white undershirt, as Israeli National Security Minister Itamar Ben Gvir appears to threaten him during a visit to his cell. Despite widespread documentation and condemnation of torture, Israeli authorities continue to withhold crucial information about the fate of many detainees, particularly those kidnapped from Gaza. Many are classified as "unlawful combatants", with their whereabouts and conditions of detention remaining entirely unknown. How many Palestinian prisoners are there? Since October 2023, Israeli forces have carried out approximately 18,500 arrests across the occupied Palestinian territories, including over 570 women and 1,500 children, according to several leading Palestinian prisoner rights organisations. This equates to an average of more than 800 arrests per month, a surge not seen in decades. Currently, an estimated 10,800 Palestinian prisoners are being held across 23 prisons, detention facilities and interrogation centres, more than double the number held prior to 7 October 2023. This figure excludes unaccounted-for detainees held in Israeli military camps, primarily Palestinians abducted from Gaza, whose precise numbers remain unknown but are believed to be in the thousands. As of July, at least 49 women and over 450 children remain in detention. In addition, 3,613 Palestinians are being held under administrative detention, without charge or trial. A further 2,378 detainees are classified as 'unlawful combatants', mostly comprising individuals abducted from Gaza, as well as some kidnapped from Lebanon and Syria. According to available records, this marks the highest number of Palestinian prisoners held by Israel since the Second Intifada, the Palestinian uprising that lasted from 2000 to 2005. What violations are taking place? Palestinian detainees have reported widespread and severe mistreatment in Israeli custody since 7 October 2023, abuses that leading rights groups describe as systematic crimes. Testimonies from current and former prisoners, collected by organisations including Addameer, the Palestinian Prisoners' Society (PPS), and the Commission of Detainees and Ex-Detainees Affairs, point to patterns of abuse that include starvation, medical neglect, physical violence, humiliation, sexual assault, theft and unprecedented levels of mass solitary confinement. 'Raped by female soldiers': Palestinian in leaked Sde Teiman photo speaks out Read More » In August 2024, Israeli human rights group B'Tselem accused the government of implementing a policy of institutionalised abuse and torture against Palestinian detainees across all facilities since the outbreak of the war in Gaza. Some of the most serious allegations involve sexual violence. Several former detainees have told the United Nations and media outlets that they were routinely strip-searched, beaten on their genitals, and subjected to invasive procedures, including the forced insertion of metal objects. In a particularly disturbing video that circulated on social media, one released Palestinian detainee claimed he had witnessed multiple rapes and alleged that Israeli soldiers used dogs to sexually assault prisoners. While Israeli authorities have denied widespread abuse, human rights organisations have called for independent investigations into the treatment of Palestinian detainees, especially those held without charge or access to legal representation. Why are doctors and journalists targeted? Among those detained are scores of doctors, emergency responders, journalists, and activists. Alongside prominent political prisoners, they are reportedly subjected to harsher treatment and greater abuse, according to several testimonies. In August 2024, Human Rights Watch (HRW) said that Israel has arbitrarily detained and tortured Palestinian healthcare workers kidnapped from Gaza. Israeli forces have detained at least 360 healthcare workers from Gaza, many of whom were seized while carrying out their duties in hospitals. They include the likes of Dr Hussam Abu Safiya, director of the Kamal Adwan Hospital, who was detained in December during an Israeli army raid. He has reportedly faced isolation and numerous severe beatings since then, according to his lawyer. Another prominent figure, Adnan al-Bursh - a renowned Palestinian surgeon and professor of orthopaedic medicine - died under torture while in Israeli custody after being abducted from Gaza during an earlier raid. Subsequent reports indicated that he had endured extreme physical, psychological and sexual torture prior to his death. Meanwhile, the arrest of journalists has also surged, with nearly 200 media workers detained since 7 October. At least 55 remain in custody, according to the PPS. While some journalists face charges of 'incitement', others are being held under administrative detention based on undisclosed 'secret files'. In addition, some of the most prominent and longest-serving Palestinian prisoners are also subjected to especially harsh treatment. Former detainees have previously told MEE that figures such as Barghouti and senior Hamas leaders - including Abdullah Barghouti, Hasan Salameh, and Ibrahim Hamed - face physical abuse, humiliation and prolonged solitary confinement. How many prisoners have died under torture? Under prolonged and systematic torture, numerous prisoners have died in Israeli custody since 7 October. While at least 76 identified detainees have been officially reported dead, the true number is feared to be much higher, as Israeli authorities continue to withhold critical information. Many of those who died were young and had no prior health issues, according to their families - as in the recent case of 20-year-old Ahmed Tazaza from Jenin. The circumstances surrounding these deaths have largely been kept secret by Israeli prison authorities. To date, none of these deaths have led to legal proceedings or accountability. Several human rights organisations have called for an independent investigation into the causes behind the high death toll. Faouzi Abdel Aal, 21, receiving treatment for his injuries at the Nasser hospital in Khan Younis, southern Gaza, after his release from Israeli detainment (AFP/Bashar Taleb) Torture and physical abuse are compounded by poor sanitation conditions, starvation and medical negligence. These factors have led to the spread of skin diseases and malnutrition among prisoners. Palestinian prisoner rights groups say they face difficulty in tracking the exact number of ill detainees due to widespread illnesses and the systematic denial of medical care. What are the conditions like for child prisoners? Like other categories, there has been a surge in Palestinian children being detained in the past two years. At least 450 minors are currently held behind bars, some as young as 12 years old. They have have not been spared Israeli abuse. Israel is arbitrarily jailing Palestinian children in record numbers. This must stop Read More » Child testimonies gathered by leading rights group confirm they face starvation, abuse and inhumane treatment. Some children were previously released injured and with blood stains on their clothes. In November, the Israeli parliament passed a law allowing the detention of children as young as 12. The last also includes a three-year provision allowing courts to jail minors in prison instead of juvenile facilities for up to 10 days if they are deemed to pose a threat to others. According to rights organisation Save the Children, Palestinian children are the only children in the world who are systematically prosecuted in military courts. The NGO said an estimated 10,000 Palestinian children have been held in the Israeli military detention system over the past 20 years. This number is likely to be higher. What is administrative detention? Nearly a third of those currently imprisoned are held in administrative detention. The practice is a controversial Israeli policy that allows Palestinians to be imprisoned without charge or trial. They are held for periods of three to six months, which can be extended indefinitely. Detainees are not informed of the evidence against them and have no right to appeal. Its use has increased since the start of the war, including against women and children. In March, Israel issued an administrative detention order against 14-year-old Muin Ghassan Fahed Salahat, making him the youngest child administrative detainee on record, according to the watchdog Defence for Children International Palestine (DCIP). As with other administrative detainees, Salahat is now being held without charge or trial on "secret evidence" not disclosed to him or his lawyer. Meanwhile, many detainees entitled to legal representation under Israeli law have increasingly been denied access to legal counsel in the last two years. Lawyers report being barred from meeting their clients or reviewing any evidence, and face a series of bureaucratic obstacles that make it nearly impossible to mount an effective defence. What is the 'unlawful combatant' law? Since 7 October, the Israeli military has established detention facilities to hold Palestinians abducted from the Gaza Strip. Some of the most severe cases of reported torture have occurred in these facilities, including the notorious Sde Teiman camp. Most detainees are held under the 'unlawful combatant' law - legislation originally passed in 2002 to hold Lebanese citizens not under Israeli jurisdiction for indefinitely renewable periods. It was later used to detain Palestinians from Gaza. The law was amended in December 2023 to expand the military's authority in ways that rights groups describe as flagrant violations of international law. Those include permission to detain people without a court order for up to 45 days, which can be indefinitely renewed. Access to legal representation can also be denied by the military for the first 45 days of imprisonment. Additionally, Israeli authorities can withhold information about an individual's whereabouts and conditions. At least 2,378 people are currently held under the 'unlawful combatant' law, including people abducted from Lebanon and Syria during Israeli ground raids there.
Middle East Eye
30 minutes ago
- Middle East Eye
Assad's shadow looms over a fractured Syria
The recent violence in Sweida province mark an alarming turning point in the Syrian conflict. This is not only due to the fact that state actors, represented by the General Security forces and the military, have abandoned any pretence of neutrality and actively participated in attacks alongside tribal non-state armed groups within the province, but also because the violence has been accompanied by sectarian mobilisation and a hate campaign. This has largely targeted the Druze community, which has been in a precarious position since the Syrian state, now dominated by figures affiliated with Hayat Tahrir al-Sham, assumed power in December. Their vulnerability is compounded by the growing geopolitical ambitions of the regional colonial power - Israel - at a critical historical moment shaped by the right-wing Trump administration in the United States, and a fragmented European foreign policy in the region. The trigger for the recent events in Sweida was an incident on 12 July, when a Druze merchant was tortured, robbed and subjected to sectarian insults at a checkpoint on the road between Damascus and Sweida, controlled by a non-state armed group affiliated with Bedouin tribes from the south. In response, a local Druze group kidnapped a member of the tribe, prompting the tribe to retaliate by abducting several individuals from the Druze community. But the roots of this conflict run deeper. New MEE newsletter: Jerusalem Dispatch Sign up to get the latest insights and analysis on Israel-Palestine, alongside Turkey Unpacked and other MEE newsletters According to journalist Mazen Ezzi, sectarian tensions and mobilisation against the Druze community began after the circulation of a fabricated video allegedly showing a Druze sheikh insulting the Prophet of Islam at the end of April. As a result, non-state armed actors attacked Druze communities in the Damascus suburbs of Jaramana, Sahnaya and Ashrafiyat Sahnaya. Asserting control State authorities, specifically the General Security forces, used the unrest to intervene and assert control over areas that had previously remained under local control. The human toll included 130 civilians killed and hundreds displaced. A similar scenario unfolded in Sweida. What began as a clash between two non-state armed groups quickly drew in the state, which intervened - ostensibly to de-escalate the violence, but in reality to seize the opportunity to assert control over the largely autonomous province by backing the Bedouin tribes. The scale of violence - marked by the killing of entire families, including children; the shooting of unarmed civilians as they fled to neighbouring villages; and the destruction of Druze religious symbols, including images of Sultan Basha al-Atrash, a national hero - is unjustifiable. As Ahmad, a survivor, recalled: "They burned my parents' home before their eyes, set fire to the olive trees and destroyed my house." He fled along with 80,000 others towards the Jordanian border. Ahmad confirmed that the military first used rocket launchers to destroy the villages before ground troops entered. The massacre appears to be part of a broader state strategy aimed at silencing dissent and suppressing resistance to the highly centralised rule emanating from Damascus According to the Syrian Observatory for Human Rights, the number of victims killed in Sweida now exceeds 1,600, with more than 420 executions and 176,000 displaced. The siege, marked by electricity and internet blackouts and the closure of roads for weeks on end, has led to the collapse of the health sector, leaving many of the wounded without access to treatment. The massacre, widespread destruction and targeting of hospitals, and the siege itself, can be seen as a form of collective punishment for Sweida's resistance to Damascus's control, echoing the brutal tactics used by former President Bashar al-Assad's forces in Aleppo, Eastern Ghouta and Yarmouk camp during the Syrian war. All involved in such violations must be held accountable under international law. Despite efforts by regime-aligned media, supported by US officials, to portray the brutal killings of civilians and the destructive actions of military personnel as isolated incidents, the massacre appears to be part of a broader state strategy aimed at silencing dissent and suppressing resistance to the highly centralised - and increasingly personalised - rule emanating from Damascus. It also seems to reflect a sectarian state policy of disregarding violence against communities whose values and culture differ from those of the leadership in Damascus. This past March, sectarian-driven massacres were carried out against communities in Syria's coastal regions, fuelled by collective prejudice and accusations of affiliations with Assad loyalists. Around 1,500 people were killed, and numerous violations were documented. Despite the formation of an investigative committee and the completion of a final report, no accountability measures have been taken, and no trials have been held. Similarly, the refusal of the government to recognise the victims of a church bombing in Damascus as martyrs implied that Christian victims are not worthy of this official honour. Societal divisions Under the current policy, societal divisions in Syria have reached unprecedented levels. Sectarianism has historically functioned as a mechanism for social fragmentation and the consolidation of power, a pattern evident from the Ottoman era throughout the period of French colonial rule and into the Assad regime. Over the past 14 years of conflict, sectarian narratives have been strategically instrumentalised by the Assad government and other actors to mobilise constituencies and secure political loyalty. Yet, even within this long trajectory of manipulation, the present moment marks an especially alarming escalation. Authorities in Damascus are increasingly relying on violence and coercion to consolidate territorial control, prioritising these over service provision and legitimacy-building. Atrocities and demographic intimidation are being used as tools of domination, rather than the government investing in dialogue, trust or the reconstruction of a national identity after more than 14 years of war. Official rhetoric about inclusion sharply contradicts authoritarian realities. The regime's failures to protect civilians, improve living conditions or propose a participatory economic model have only deepened mistrust and led to the central government's credibility being questioned. Since March, President Ahmed al-Sharaa has concentrated power in unprecedented ways, holding multiple key posts, including president, quasi-prime minister and head of both the sovereign and development funds. This power grab is unfolding without a functioning parliament, now expected to include 30 percent of members directly appointed by the president. At all levels, from governors to union leaders, appointments are made by Sharaa's inner circle, echoing the exclusionary practices of the Assad era. Genuine participation and bottom-up governance are absent. Meanwhile, public services collapse and socioeconomic conditions deteriorate. More than 90 percent of Syrians are living in poverty or dependent on aid, as education and healthcare systems fall apart. After more than eight months as leader, Sharaa has yet to present a roadmap to address poverty or social injustice. The new regime focuses on geopolitical bargaining and attracting foreign investment by selling off public assets, at the cost of the local economy. Syria today is a fragmented and weakened country, and a fierce competition is unfolding over the vacuum left after the fall of Assad, whose key allies were Russia and Iran. Israel, in particular, is seeking to exploit this new reality to expand its security perimeter, reframe the occupied Golan Heights as official Israeli territory and potentially annex more Syrian land. The growing tensions between the Druze community and the Sharaa government present a historical opportunity for Israel to push for more "comfortable" borders on Syrian soil. Israel is leveraging a segment of the Druze population - specifically, those living inside Israel who identify as Israeli and are loyal to the Netanyahu government. This stands in contrast to the Druze residents of the Golan Heights, who continue to see themselves as Syrian and view Israel not as a protecting power, but as an occupying force. Renewed clashes The dire socioeconomic conditions faced by ordinary Syrians - those outside the networks of warlords, clientelist circles and the new business-military elite in Damascus - are driving many to seek any possible source of income. Recognising these urgent needs and the political exclusion of Sweida, Israel has sought to attract members of the Syrian Druze community by offering job opportunities. The narrative of "protecting the Druze" provides Israel with a strategic opportunity - not only to intervene militarily, but also to gain acceptance among fearful and frustrated communities. Although Turkey, Saudi Arabia, the UAE and Qatar are seeking greater influence in post-Assad Syria, and remain in competition with Israel, they are well aware of Israel's ambitions and have been directly involved in Syrian-Israeli negotiations. Syria after Assad: How Israel and the US are accelerating plans to partition the country Read More » In this context, a ceasefire agreement mediated between Syria and Israel by the US, Turkey and several Arab countries on 19 July aimed to end the conflict. But it ultimately failed, as renewed clashes with local forces from Sweida and Israeli air strikes on Syria soon followed. On 24 July, the US brokered another agreement that expanded the roles of both the US and Israel in Syria, with the US assuming responsibility for the "Sweida file" and designating the southern provinces of Quneitra and Daraa as demilitarised zones with greater autonomy for local actors. While serving Israeli geopolitical interests, the agreement undermines Syrian unity and state integrity, potentially redrawing colonial-era borders and reshaping the region's post-colonial order. Today, Sweida remains under siege by the Syrian state, which is simultaneously negotiating with Israel on a "humanitarian corridor" connecting Israel to Sweida - potentially paving the way for an agreed increase in the Israeli presence in southern Syria. The Druze community is thus stuck between two evils: a brutal state that murders and besieges them, and "protection" by a far-right Israeli government whose military has a documented record of crimes against humanity. The views expressed in this article belong to the author and do not necessarily reflect the editorial policy of Middle East Eye.
