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Once the West's great hero, Zelensky is now fighting to keep a divided world on his side

Once the West's great hero, Zelensky is now fighting to keep a divided world on his side

The Age6 hours ago

Notably, Zelensky ditched his trademark military fatigues for a black blazer and trousers – a subtle shift that reflected both the gravity of the moment and a calculated diplomatic posture.
His visit came in the shadow of another devastating Russian assault on Ukraine. Overnight, Moscow had launched 352 drones and 16 missiles, killing at least 10 civilians – seven of them in Kyiv. Zelensky accused Russia of using North Korean-supplied missiles, warning that Moscow was now part of what he described as a 'coalition of murderers' alongside Iran and North Korea.
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While political leaders continue to reaffirm their commitment to Ukraine – Starmer's office said he would 'reiterate our steadfast support' – public sentiment is growing more complex. In democracies where elections loom, support for military aid is increasingly filtered through domestic politics, particularly as right-wing populist movements gain traction. Among Trump-aligned voters around the world, scepticism of Zelensky is rising, as is sympathy, albeit marginal, for Putin.
That change in public mood reflects a deeper strategic recalibration under way in Europe. A report from the European Council on Foreign Relations reveals that majorities across 12 surveyed European Union nations now believe the continent must prepare to defend itself, with or without the United States. In Denmark and Poland, 70 per cent of citizens support increased defence spending. In countries such as Germany, Portugal and even Spain, previously controversial ideas such as mandatory national service now enjoy majority or plurality support.
The council report's authors, Ivan Krastev and Mark Leonard, argue that US President Donald Trump's re-emergence as the dominant force in Republican politics has accelerated Europe's reassessment of its own security posture.
'Trump's revolution has come to Europe,' Leonard writes. 'It is overturning not just military expectations, but also the internal political order. What was once dismissed as populist fringe thinking has found legitimacy in the rhetoric of the US president.'
Krastev adds that a new ideological alignment is taking shape: 'To be pro-European today means to be sceptical of Trump's America. To be pro-American increasingly means to be critical of the EU.'
Across NATO member states, support for the alliance remains high; a median of 66 per cent view it favourably, according to Pew. But belief in Europe's capacity to achieve military autonomy is more fragile. Only in Denmark and Portugal do majorities believe that goal is achievable within five years. In Italy and Hungary, more than half say it is 'practically impossible'.
For Zelensky, the challenge is twofold. First, he must secure continued military and financial support in an increasingly fragmented West. Second, he must convince NATO allies to offer Ukraine a credible long-term security framework – possibly a path to eventual membership – despite signs of internal drift within the alliance.
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Though Zelensky has been invited to attend the NATO summit, he is not expected to participate in the main discussions. His presence remains symbolically powerful, but increasingly peripheral to decision-making. That in itself speaks volumes about the changing dynamics at play.
Where once the Ukrainian president rallied Western leaders with moral clarity, he now must navigate a landscape shaped by shifting alliances, electoral uncertainty and competing definitions of security. His image may still resonate, but it will land on a continent no longer unified in its assumptions – not only about Russia, but about America, NATO and the future of the liberal order.

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