Photos of protests and celebrations mark a different Fourth of July for many Americans
This Independence Day may feel different for many Americans. Around the country, there are protests planned against Trump's polices, and in places like Southern California, where immigration raids have rattled communities, some July Fourth celebrations were canceled.
But beyond the festivities and protests lies a moment in history: On July 4, 1776, the Second Continental Congress unanimously adopted the Declaration of Independence, declaring the colonies' break from British rule.
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This is a photo gallery curated by AP photo editors.
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Hamilton Spectator
9 minutes ago
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As the Dalai Lama turns 90, photos show the global arc of his life
DHARAMSHALA, India (AP) — The Dalai Lama is revered as a deity by millions of Tibetan Buddhists and known worldwide as a resolute voice for peace, spirituality and Tibet 's autonomy. He is also seen as a threat by China, which accuses him of wanting to wrest Tibet from Beijing's control. As the spiritual and political leader of Tibetan Buddhists, he established a government-in-exile in the Indian town of Dharamshala after fleeing Tibet in 1959. Since then he has traveled the world to raise the issue of Tibet and Tibetans, while spreading a message of nonviolence. He has met world leaders and celebrities, from the likes of fellow Nobel Peace Prize winners Nelson Mandela and Desmond Tutu to multiple U.S. presidents, popes and Hollywood stars. As he celebrates his 90th birthday on Sunday, The Associated Press has curated a selection of photos of the Dalai Lama, from his early days in India to appearances he has made around the world. ___ This is a photo gallery curated by AP photo editors. Error! Sorry, there was an error processing your request. There was a problem with the recaptcha. Please try again. You may unsubscribe at any time. By signing up, you agree to our terms of use and privacy policy . This site is protected by reCAPTCHA and the Google privacy policy and terms of service apply. Want more of the latest from us? Sign up for more at our newsletter page .
Hamilton Spectator
9 minutes ago
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Violent protests are latest sign of Kenyan president's unpopularity 3 years into his term
NAIROBI, Kenya (AP) — Kenyans disaffected with President William Ruto hold placards proclaiming 'WANTAM,' a sensational slogan distilling their efforts to disgrace him as a 'one-term' leader. They stick their index fingers in the air, saying Ruto must vacate the presidency when his term expires in 2027. For others who want him gone only three years after he was elected , even that's a long time. Kenya's fifth president became a remarkably unpopular leader barely two years into his presidency after proposing aggressive tax measures that many saw as a betrayal of his campaign promise to support working-class people. Ruto said new taxes were necessary to keep the government running. Protests intensify Ruto survived the tax-protest movement last year as thousands of young people took to the streets in an unsuccessful attempt to force his resignation. In the most violent incident that left at least 22 people dead, protesters sacked and attempted to burn the parliamentary building in the capital, Nairobi. Ruto said that would never happen again. Ruto now faces a new wave of protests provoked most recently by the death of a blogger in police custody . Many Kenyans saw the incident as symptomatic of bad rule in Kenya, with the president firmly in control of the legislature and security apparatus. 'He has control of the institutions, but he doesn't have control of the people,' said Karuti Kanyinga, an analyst and professor of development studies at the University of Nairobi. He noted Ruto suffers such 'a low level of public confidence' that he is probably the most hated man in Kenya. Ruto likely will stay in power until 2027, but 'violence will continue to deepen' as young people, opposition politicians and others try to make an example of him in an escalating campaign to reform Kenya's government, Kanyinga warned. Public discontent Protesters say they want to rid the government of corruption, marked by theft of public resources and the seemingly extravagant lifestyles of politicians. Some disparage Ruto as 'Zakayo,' referring to the biblical tax collector Zacchaeus, and others call him 'mwizi,' Kiswahili for thief. The demonstrators also are inflamed by what they see as incessant deal-making under Ruto, who last year was forced to terminate an agreement worth an estimated $2 billion that would have seen Kenya's main airport controlled by the Indian conglomerate Adani Group. That deal, which became public months after security forces violently quelled anti-tax protests, reignited public discontent and reinforced a view of Ruto as unrepentant and unwilling to listen to his people. To a degree rare for an African leader, Ruto constantly speaks about efforts to expand the tax base. His negotiations for new debt with the International Monetary Fund have drawn criticism from those who say proposed reforms will hurt poor people while benefitting politicians and the business class. Last year, he told Harvard Business School's Class of 2025 that he wasn't going to preside over 'a bankrupt country.' Protesters are 'not feeling heard and there's a sense that things have not really changed since the protests last year,' said Meron Elias, an analyst in Kenya with the International Crisis Group. 'There's a lot of grief and bitterness from last year's protest that is also feeding into current tensions.' Peter Kairu, a 21-year-old student, agreed, saying he didn't expect the government to address issues of corruption and nepotism raised by the protesters. 'Until we ourselves become the change we want,' he said. Eileen Muga, who is unemployed in Nairobi, expressed safety concerns about disappearing 'the moment you say something about the government.' After thousands of people marched in Nairobi last week to mark the anniversary of the previous year's anti-tax protests, Ruto said he was not going anywhere, warning if there was no Kenya for him, that also would be the case for others. 'If we go this route, we will not have a country,' he said of the protest movement. 'Yes, and the country does not belong to William Ruto. The country belongs to all of us. And if there's no country for William Ruto, there's no country for you.' The speech was characteristic of Ruto and underscored why many Kenyans are afraid of him even as they try to challenge him. Kipchumba Murkomen, Ruto's interior minister, has also spoken forcefully against protesters, saying they will be dealt with harshly. A history of political maneuvering Years ago, as Kenya's deputy president, Ruto outmaneuvered his predecessor, Uhuru Kenyatta , in a bad-tempered power struggle that the president lost. Photos sometimes showed Ruto glowering over Kenyatta. The local press reported an incident when Ruto was so angry with his boss that he felt he wanted to slap him. The two embodied a close, almost brotherly relationship in their first term but quickly fell out at the beginning of their second when Kenyatta tried to dismantle Ruto's sway over the official bureaucracy. Ruto won the 2022 presidential election by a narrow margin, defeating opposition leader Raila Odinga, who had Kenyatta's backing. Ruto has since co-opted Odinga, drawing him close as a political ally but also eliminating a potential rival in the next election. Ruto fell out with his deputy, Rigathi Gachagua, within the first two years of the presidency. In October, legislators with the ruling party impeached Gachagua in a parliamentary process Ruto said he had nothing to do with. Gachagua insisted lawmakers were acting at Ruto's instigation. Ruto did to Gachagua what Kenyatta chose not to do to Ruto, and some saw Gachagua's removal as yet another sign that Ruto is intolerant and can't be trusted, political analyst Macharia Munene said. When he ran for president, Ruto positioned himself as an outsider and rallied for electoral support as the leader of a so-called 'hustler nation,' a campaign that he said would economically empower ordinary Kenyans. The strategy appealed to millions struggling with joblessness and inequality. Informal traders, passenger motorcyclists and market women were often among his supporters. Ruto also aligned himself with the evangelical Christian movement, often seen carrying a Bible and preaching at pulpits. After taking office, Ruto spoke of an urgent need to make Kenya's debt sustainable. The tax hikes in a controversial finance bill came months later. He also removed the fuel subsidies that many Kenyans had come to take for granted. 'I think it's a question of overpromising and underdelivering,' said attorney Eric Nakhurenya, a government policy analyst. 'That's why Kenyans are angry.' ___ Muhumuza reported from Kampala, Uganda. Error! Sorry, there was an error processing your request. There was a problem with the recaptcha. Please try again. You may unsubscribe at any time. By signing up, you agree to our terms of use and privacy policy . This site is protected by reCAPTCHA and the Google privacy policy and terms of service apply. Want more of the latest from us? Sign up for more at our newsletter page .
Yahoo
15 minutes ago
- Yahoo
Contributor: A refresher course in American truths
Is it possible, at this deeply ideologically divided time, to articulate a set of principles of American constitutional democracy that those across the political spectrum can agree upon? This was our goal in creating, along with Drexel University law professor Lisa Tucker, a project we titled, 'We Hold These Truths.' Our objective was to have a diverse group of individuals draft these principles, to release them on the Fourth of July, and to use them for public education. The first step was to recruit about 20 prominent individuals from across the ideological spectrum to volunteer their time to be part of the drafting effort. As we reached out to people, we were delighted at the enthusiastic response. The drafters included former Republican Govs. Christine Todd Whitman and Brian Sandoval. It included prominent Democrats such as Stacey Abrams, Pete Buttigieg and Maryland Rep. Jamie Raskin. Retired four-star Army Gen. Wesley Clark and civil rights lawyer Sherrilyn Ifill were among the first to agree to participate. We recruited a conservative former U.S. Court of Appeals judge, Thomas B. Griffith, and a liberal one, David Tatel. Best-selling author Brad Meltzer joined the drafting group. We added prominent law professors, former Yale Law School dean Harold Koh and New York University professor Melissa Murray. And we succeeded. In a little over a month, we were able to come to unanimous agreement on a set of basic principles of American constitutional democracy. We hope these principles remind us that what unites us as a country, our deeply held underlying values, is greater than what divides us. We decided early on to focus on five areas: the rule of law, democracy and elections, separation of powers, personal freedom, and equality. We divided into five subgroups to work on these topics and to propose principles to the entire drafting group. There then was the opportunity for responses and revisions. The key, of course, was to make the statements sufficiently specific so they were not platitudes, but also general enough to be articulation of basic values. For the rule of law, we stressed that to preserve liberty, fairness and the stability of our democratic society, the power of government and other actors must be limited by law and they must be accountable. All people, no matter their station, must stand equal before the law, subject to the same rules, protections, privileges and sanctions. The rule of law demands due process, that before the government may deprive any person of life, liberty or property, the individual must have a meaningful opportunity to challenge the deprivation before an independent and neutral adjudicator. Law enforcement — investigations, prosecutions, adjudications and pardons — must be conducted according to law, with respect for human dignity and without regard to the personal or political interests of the executive. And the rule of law cannot be preserved without an independent judiciary that is neither subject to intimidation by the executive or legislative branches of government, nor beholden to the demands of political parties. For separation of powers, we stressed that a fundamental structural feature of the Constitution, and its chief safeguard of our liberty, is separating and placing limits upon the legislative, executive and judicial branches of government such that they check and balance one another's power. For democracy and elections, the crucial point is that the one depends on the other. We elect representatives to make the laws we must abide by. To succeed, elections must be transparent and fair. A democratic society enfranchises voters to the fullest extent possible, makes elections accessible and refrains from erecting unnecessary barriers to voting. Voter suppression is antithetical to democracy, and it exists when eligible voters are unable to register to vote, cast a ballot or have that ballot counted. Also, our constitutional republic depends upon our shared commitment to the peaceful transfer of power, to accepting, honoring and respecting election results regardless of whether our preferred candidate wins. The personal freedoms accorded throughout the Constitution and its many amendments are an essential protection against government tyranny and reflect the inherent rights of every person in the United States. Democracy depends on freedom of speech and the press. The government has no right to intimidate or punish anyone simply on the basis of their views and ideas. The Bill of Rights protects those suspected and accused of crimes with provisions that limit police searches and arrests, ensure the privilege against self-incrimination and provide for fair trials. Our society respects fundamental aspects of autonomy, including the liberty to make important decisions about one's life. Finally, equality is a precondition of freedom. We all are free only when each of us, not just some of us, is free from discrimination, exclusion and threat. Our differences are our strength, not our weakness. Where autocracy and authoritarianism demand allegiance to uniformity, democracy demands the opposite — differences of people and opinion. Every person's voice is of equal worth in the workplace, the public square and the voting booth. Equality of opportunity — in education, employment and participation in our democracy — is a right, not a privilege regardless of color, ethnicity, religion, poverty or wealth. The government's decisions about our lives must be free of discrimination, racism, prejudice, and favoritism. Readers can find the principles, beginning July 4, at 249 years after the signing of the Declaration of Independence. Our hope is that Americans of every political persuasion will reaffirm these values, acknowledging that government of, for and by the people — not monarchy, autocracy or religious rule — is the best way to secure life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness. We are not naive about what can be achieved through this effort. But we strongly believe that there is value in reminding ourselves, in the words of the Declaration of Independence, of the truths that we hold to be self-evident. Erwin Chermerinsky is the dean of the UC Berkeley School of Law and a contributing writer to Opinion Voices. J. Michael Luttig served on the U.S. Court of Appeals for the 4th Circuit from 1991 to 2006; he was appointed by President George H.W. Bush. If it's in the news right now, the L.A. Times' Opinion section covers it. Sign up for our weekly opinion newsletter. This story originally appeared in Los Angeles Times.
