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Oklahoma lawmakers overturn vetoes on dozens of measures, including mammograms, records transparency

Oklahoma lawmakers overturn vetoes on dozens of measures, including mammograms, records transparency

Yahoo4 days ago

Rep. Annie Menz, D-Norman, front, talks with Sen. Mary Boren, D-Norman, and Rep. Andy Fugate, D-Oklahoma City, while awaiting votes on a veto override during the Senate session on Thursday. (Photo by Janelle Stecklein/Oklahoma Voice)
OKLAHOMA CITY — The Oklahoma House rose for a standing ovation Thursday after overturning the governor's veto of a bill expanding access to mammograms for early breast cancer detection.
Rep. Melissa Provenzano, D-Tulsa, the bill's author, said the standing ovation was 'powerful' and a reminder that people are humans before they are politicians. She was battling breast cancer for the length of the legislative session.
Despite a nearly five hour delay in the Senate, the measure was one of nearly four dozen vetoes the House and Senate overturned on the penultimate day of session as they worked past midnight and into Friday morning before adjourning. Lawmakers moved to overturn the majority of Stitt's vetoes.
Provenzano was met with another round of applause Thursday night when she returned to the House chamber after the Senate voted to finalize the veto override.
'I'm just reminded again, that we're humans first, politicians second,' Provenzano said. 'And I think every member and every staff member and the people in this building, if what we experienced here is going on in the state of Oklahoma, then it's time for something like this. Because everybody had a story of a sister or a mother, an aunt, a wife. And so it was just powerful.'
Stitt said he vetoed the bill because while he is 'sympathetic' to those battling breast cancer, the legislation would have imposed 'new and costly' insurance mandates on private health plans and raised insurance premiums.
To override a veto from the governor, two-thirds of representatives and senators must vote in favor of the measure or three-quarters if the measure contains an emergency provision. The dozens of overrides ranged from measures that aimed to increase public access to open records to missing and murdered indigenous people.
Some of the measures lawmakers vetoed included:
House Bill 2785 that gives the Oklahoma Office of Management and Enterprise Services the ability to review the budget and finances of the state Department of Mental Health and Substance Abuse Services, which has had ongoing financial troubles. The governor said it was 'nonsensical and ineffective' to task one executive agency with micromanaging another;
House Bill 2163 that gives the Attorney General's Office the power to enforce violations of the Open Records Act. Stitt said the bill would give Attorney General Gentner Drummond 'sweeping and unchecked authority' to access records from all state agencies, an 'unprecedented' power in Oklahoma. Drummond had previously urged lawmakers to override the veto;
House Bill 2048 that prohibits insurers and pharmacy benefit managers from discriminatory reimbursement practices. Stitt wrote in his veto message that this was a federal issue and the Legislature should not insert itself.
House Bill 1137 that removes a requirement that the Office of Missing and Murdered Indigenous Persons be federally funded, opening it up to state funding. Stitt said he vetoed the measure because he doesn't endorse legislation that 'singles out victims based solely on their race.'
Stitt posted a video Thursday afternoon telling voters to closely watch how lawmakers vote on veto overrides.
'This is stuff I know is bad for Oklahoma, bad for taxpayers,' he said in the video. 'And you've got the Senate and House and special interest groups that are trying to override my vetoes.'
Stitt said Thursday that he had vetoed 68 bills this session that would overregulate businesses and create higher taxes for Oklahomans. He said voters should pay attention to which lawmakers supported overrides of his vetoes.
Rep. Scott Fetgatter, R-Okmulgee, referenced Stitt's comments while making a motion to override a veto on one of his bills, House Bill 2459, which pertains to fire safety in mobile food vehicles.
'Evidently, since the governor has called for all of us to be primaried that override his vetoes today, and his staff cant seem to read a bill correctly and they vetoed my bill, I make a motion to override the veto,' he said.
Legislative proceedings stalled for nearly five hours after Senate leaders struggled to get the required number of votes necessary to override House Bill 2769. The measure contained a series of amendments to the leadership requirements and rules of the Oklahoma National Guard. The Senate passed the override just after 9 p.m.
Stitt's override message said he vetoed the bill because it made major changes to the National Guard and state finances without a thorough fiscal analysis.
'While I applaud all our men and women who serve our country and our state in the National Guard, I cannot allow this bill to become law,' he wrote. '… The policies in this bill should be considered, reviewed, and debated as separate and distinct bills.'
The bill makes several amendments to the qualifications necessary to serve as adjutant general of the Oklahoma National Guard, an officer overseeing administrative and personnel matters. The position could now be filled by someone with a rank of colonel or higher. It also grants the officer additional powers.
The officer is to be compensated at the same rate of pay afforded to a major general. Several changes were also made to the Oklahoma Uniform Code of Military Justice.
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The measure ended Aid to Families with Dependent Children - which effectively entitled the poorest Americans to federal help - and introduced Temporary Assistance for Needy Families, known more commonly as TANF. The number of people receiving federal welfare payments fell by half in four years, to 6.3 million in 2000. And the past few decades have given rise to debates over whether the changes worked, especially since measures of poverty fluctuate with recessions and other economic forces. The new policies under consideration could be even more far-reaching. Under the Affordable Care Act, adults with low incomes and no children or disabilities qualified for Medicaid for the first time, marking a significant expansion of the safety net insurance program. The new Republican plan would require beneficiaries to spend at least 80 hours a month working, training for a job, in school or volunteering to qualify for Medicaid. 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People can be exempt because of homelessness, being in foster care or for other reasons, or states can apply for waivers if there aren't enough jobs in a region. Research is split on whether SNAP's existing work requirements have the intended effects. Bauer, the Brookings fellow, cited a 2021 study of Virginia food stamp recipients that found work requirements caused a large decline in SNAP participation without a corresponding boost in employment. The food stamp benefits 'are not binding disincentives against labor force participation for a population that overwhelmingly has no income,' the researchers wrote. Republicans have said current policies allow states to exempt too many people from work requirements. The GOP bill would alter the rules, raising the cutoff age to 64. It also newly subjects parents with dependent children ages 7 or older to work requirements, though a spouse in a two-parent household can still be exempt. The bill would also restrict place-based waivers to counties with an unemployment rate of over 10 percent: a bar many areas receiving waivers would not meet. A CBO analysis estimates the changes would reduce direct spending for SNAP by $92 billion over 10 years and push 3.2 million people out of the program. Work requirements are the 'right policy at the right time' for those in need and will stop able-bodied adults from being 'idle and disengaged,' Rollins, the agriculture secretary, said in a statement. The path for shifting housing policies is less clear. Most of the nation's 3,600 public housing agencies do not have work requirements. But about 140 are part of a narrow program called Moving to Work that gives local authorities room to test a range of rules that are not usually permitted, including those to boost self-sufficiency. Housing authorities, nonprofit groups, property managers and tenants are eager for details on whether work requirements will be mandatory, how many hours of work would be required and who would be exempt. The HUD official briefed on the matter told The Post that 'everything is on the table' and noted that the White House's proposal for a new two-year cap on rental assistance was another way of preventing long-term dependency. In 2024, nearly half of non-elderly, nondisabled households receiving HUD assistance did not include anyone who worked, said the official, citing internal data. Other research differs. The Center on Budget and Policy Priorities found that based on 2022 data, 60 percent of working-age, nondisabled households receiving HUD rental assistance in 2022 included at least one worker. The HUD official said the administration also supports policies that shift power to local authorities and lets them decide which approaches are best. Within the Moving to Work cohort, the official said around 40 public housing agencies already have work requirements, are implementing them or plan to soon, and that such requirements often improve household incomes and employment. Opponents say an increase in work requirements would fall heavily on people who already have a harder time getting work, keeping steady housing or accessing health care. And they say the loss of benefits would be even more extensive given planned cuts to major services. For example, the White House budget proposal would significantly cut rental assistance programs for the fiscal year beginning in October, in part to shift more power to the states. It is unclear whether those cuts would be achieved through work requirements, since HUD's plans are still in flux. That could amount to millions of people losing aid whether they work or not, since many states won't be able to cover those losses. 'What this indicates is that the driver behind this policy isn't this goal of helping people to advance economically,' said Will Fischer, senior fellow and director of housing policy at the Center on Budget and Policy Priorities. 'The driver is they're trying to cut what they are spending on these programs.' A large share of welfare recipients have jobs. About 32 million people who worked in 2023 got health coverage through Medicaid or food assistance through SNAP, according to a CBPP analysis of census data. In theory, new work requirements shouldn't jeopardize benefits for these recipients. But advocates and left-leaning economists say such requirements do sometimes have that effect - in part because enforcing the rules means enough new administrative burdens that people fall through the cracks. In Georgia, for example, just 12,000 of nearly 250,000 newly eligible recipients received Medicaid after the state implemented work requirements. That was in part because people who worked had a tough time proving it to state officials or their work didn't meet certain qualifications. Finally, those against the policies say even people with jobs sometimes need help making ends meet - so pushing recipients to work wouldn't necessarily solve their household budget problems. Homelessness is worsening among the employed, and inflation often falls hardest on poorer people. At Los Angeles's Downtown Women's Center, which works to end homelessness, regular job training programs are some of the most popular offerings, chief executive Amy Turk said. But even those with jobs need help. A report found that in 2022, nearly 30 percent of homeless women in Los Angeles County were working for pay. Monthly incomes averaged $1,186. In Los Angeles County, though, the average rent is more than $2,000. Analysts at left-leaning think tanks, and some researchers who have studied work requirements, say supporters of the policy have it backward: Health insurance, stable housing and access to food make it possible for people to find work and remain employed. They point to Arkansas, the first state to enact work requirements for Medicaid, as a key example. In 2018, the state implemented its work mandate, which led to 18,000 people losing insurance before a judge in 2019 struck down the requirements in a lawsuit brought by three nonprofits on behalf of some Medicaid recipients. One 40-year-old man lost health coverage after incorrectly reporting the details of his employment and could no longer afford his medication. He suffered complications from chronic obstructive pulmonary disease, lost his job and struggled to find work again. Others worked odd jobs that did not always allow them to meet the 80-hour-a-month requirement, like a landscaper who struggled to get work in rainy months. 'You cannot conclude that work makes people healthier,' said MaryBeth Musumeci, an associate professor of health policy and management at George Washington University's Milken Institute School of Public Health. 'You need to be physically and mentally healthy enough to work, and particularly for poor people, the types of jobs they are doing can create health problems.' Leaders of Opportunity Arkansas, a conservative policy group, said the state's data shows that most people who lost insurance did so because their incomes rose - exactly the goal of requiring work. 'If Congress is serious about restoring Medicaid as a safety net for the truly needy - not a long-term program for able-bodied adults - then policies that encourage work and self-sufficiency, like the one Arkansas implemented, need to be part of the conversation,' J. Robertson, the organization's public affairs director, said in an email. - - - Jacob Bogage contributed to this report. 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