
‘Tortured' Ugandan activist dumped at border following arrest in Tanzania
A Ugandan human rights activist, arrested in Tanzania after travelling to the country to support an opposition politician at a trial for treason, has been tortured and dumped at the border, according to an NGO.
Ugandan rights group Agora Discourse said on Friday that activist and journalist Agather Atuhaire had been 'abandoned at the border by Tanzanian authorities' and showed signs of torture.
The statement echoes reports regarding a Kenyan activist detained at the same time and released a day earlier, and supports complaints of a crackdown on democracy across East Africa.
Atuhaire had travelled to Tanzania alongside Kenyan anticorruption campaigner Boniface Mwangi to support opposition leader Tundu Lissu, who appeared in court on Monday.
Both were arrested shortly after the hearing and held incommunicado.
Tanzanian police had initially told local rights groups that the pair would be deported by air. However, Mwangi was discovered on Thursday on a roadside in northern Tanzania near the Kenyan border.
Agora Discourse said it was 'relieved to inform the public that Agather has been found'. However, the rights group's cofounder Jim Spire Ssentongo confirmed to the AFP news agency on Friday that there were 'indications of torture'.
Tanzanian President Samia Suluhu Hassan has been accused of increasing authoritarianism, amid rising concerns regarding democracy across East Africa.
Activists travelling to Lissu's trail accused Tanzania of 'collaborating' with Kenya and Uganda in their 'total erosion of democratic principles'.
Several high-profile political arrests have highlighted the rights record of Hassan, who plans to seek re-election in October.
The Tanzanian leader has said that her government is committed to respecting human rights. However, she warned earlier this week that foreign activists would not be tolerated in the country as Lissu appeared in court.
'Do not allow ill-mannered individuals from other countries to cross the line here,' Hassan instructed security services.
Several activists from Kenya, including a former justice minister, said they were denied entry to Tanzania as they tried to travel to attend the trial.
Following his return to the Kenyan capital, Nairobi, Mwangi said that he and Atuhaire had suffered a brutal experience.
'We were both treated worse than dogs, chained, blindfolded and underwent a very gruesome torture,' he told reporters.
'The Government of Tanzania cannot hide behind national sovereignty to justify committing serious crimes and human rights violations against its own citizens and other East Africans,' the International Commission of Jurists in Kenya said in a statement.
Hashtags

Try Our AI Features
Explore what Daily8 AI can do for you:
Comments
No comments yet...
Related Articles


Al Jazeera
2 hours ago
- Al Jazeera
Ex-Biden official says ‘without doubt' Israel committed war crimes in Gaza
Matthew Miller, the former spokesperson of the US State Department who spent months defending Israel's conduct in the war in Gaza, has acknowledged that the Israeli military has 'without a doubt' committed war crimes in the Palestinian territory. Miller told the Sky News Trump100 podcast on Monday, however, that he did not believe genocide was being carried out in Gaza. The ex-spokesperson served as one of the public faces of former President Joe Biden's staunch support for Israel as it killed tens of thousands of Palestinians and flattened much of the enclave. United Nations experts and leading rights groups have accused Israel of genocidal acts – an effort to destroy the Palestinian people in full or in part. Miller's comments raise questions on why the Biden administration continued to arm Israel despite US laws that restrict military aid to countries that commit violations of human rights and international law. The former US president's aides repeatedly certified that they could not conclude that Israel is violation the laws of war or restricting humanitarian aid to Palestinians, despite the ample evidence documenting Israeli abuses. According to Gaza's Health Ministry, at least 54,381 Palestinians have been killed and 124,054 wounded. Almost all of the enclave's 2.3 million people have been displaced, while an Israeli blockade threatens famine. During his time with the State Department, Miller regularly clashed with journalists who questioned the US response to Israel's handling of Gaza, including bombings of medical facilities and camps sheltering Palestinian civilians. In one incident last November, Miller was rebuked for laughing during a question about Israel blocking aid to Gaza. US law specifically prohibits security assistance for state that restrict US-backed humanitarian aid in conflict zones. When asked about particular atrocities, including – for example – the killing of six-year-old Palestinian girl Hind Rajab last year, Miller would often say the the US officials brought up the incident with their Israeli counterparts, who are investigating. The spokesperson would then keep invoking these alleged contacts and probes – sometimes months after the incident – to dismiss questions about suspected war crimes by Israel. On the Sky News podcast, Miller appeared to criticise his own pattern of answering questions when he served as spokesperson. 'We do know that Israel has opened investigations. But, look, we are many months into those investigations. And we're not seeing as really soldiers held accountable,' he said. Miller stressed in the interview on Monday that, as spokesman, he was not advocating his own opinion but expressing the official stance of Biden's administration. 'You are a spokesperson for the president, the administration, and you espouse the positions of the administration,' he said. 'And when you're not in the administration, you can just give your own opinions.' Asked about his experience handling the issue, Miller said there were 'small and big' disagreements within the Biden administration over how to deal with Israel. 'There were disagreements all along the way about how to handle policy. Some of those were big disagreements, some of those were little disagreements,' he said. In particular, he hinted at tensions between Biden and Secretary of State Antony Blinken. He admitted that 'there probably was' more that the US could have done to pressure Israel to stop the war and prevent the killing of 'thousands of … innocent civilians who didn't want this war'. On Tuesday, the Palestinian group Hamas said Miller's comments further confirm Israel's crimes and underscores Washington's 'direct responsibility as a true partner' in the genocide against Palestinians. 'We call on the international community and international judicial institutions to turn these dangerous confessions into investigations and immediate legal action,' Hamas said in a statement. Raed Jarrar, the advocacy director at DAWN, a US-based advocacy group, said it was 'outrageous' that Miller waited until he was out of office to admit that Israel committed war crimes in Gaza. 'US officials who know atrocities are being committed and continue defending them from behind the podium are not neutral, they are complicit. Miller's silence while in government helped Israel with its genocide. He has Palestinian blood on his hands,' Jarrar told Al Jazeera in an email. 'Anyone guilty of aiding and abetting genocide should be held accountable by the International Criminal Court or other international mechanisms.'


Al Jazeera
a day ago
- Al Jazeera
Ngugi wa Thiong'o was not just a writer, he was a militant
Ngugi wa Thiong'o loved to dance. He loved it more than anything else – even more than writing. Well into his 80s, his body slowed by increasingly disabling kidney failure, Ngugi would get up and start dancing merely at the thought of music, never mind the sound of it. Rhythm flowed through his feet the way words flowed through his hands and onto the page. It is how I will always remember Ngugi – dancing. He passed away on May 28 at the age of 87, leaving behind not only a Nobel-worthy literary legacy but a combination of deeply innovative craft and piercingly original criticism that joyfully calls on all of us to do better and push harder – as writers, activists, teachers and people – against the colonial foundations that sustain all our societies. As for me, he pushed me to go far deeper up river to Kakuma refugee camp, where the free association of so many vernacular tongues and cultures made possible the freedom to think and speak 'from the heart' – something he would always describe as writing's greatest gift. Ngugi had long been a charter member of the African literary canon and a perennial Nobel favourite by the time I first met him in 2005. Getting to know him, it quickly became clear to me that his writing was inseparable from his teaching, which in turn was umbilically tied to his political commitments and long service as one of Africa's most formidable public intellectuals. Ngugi's cheerfulness and indefatigable smile and laugh hid a deep-seated anger, reflecting the scars of violence on his body and soul as a child, young man and adult victimised by successive and deeply intertwined systems of criminalised rule. The murder of his deaf brother, killed by the British because he did not hear and obey soldiers' orders to stop at a checkpoint, and the Mau Mau revolt that divided his other brothers on opposite sides of the colonial order during the final decade of British rule, imbued in him the foundational reality of violence and divisiveness as the twin engines of permanent coloniality even after independence formally severed the connection to the metropole. More than half a century after these events, nothing would arouse Ngugi's animated ire more than bringing up in a discussion the transitional moment from British to Kenyan rule, and the fact that colonialism didn't leave with the British, but rather dug in and reenforced itself with Kenya's new, Kenyan rulers. As he became a writer and playwright, Ngugi also became a militant, one devoted to using language to reconnect the complex African identities – local, tribal, national and cosmopolitan – that the 'cultural bomb' of British rule had 'annihilated' over the previous seven decades. After his first play, The Black Hermit, premiered in Kampala in 1962, he was quickly declared a voice who 'speaks for the Continent'. Two years later, Weep Not Child, his first novel and the first English-language novel by an East African writer, came out. As he rose to prominence, Ngugi decided to renounce the English language and start writing in his native Gikuyu. The (re)turn to his native tongue radically altered the trajectory not just of his career, but of his life, as the ability of his clear-eyed critique of postcolonial rule to reach his compatriots in their own language (rather than English or the national language of Swahili) was too much for Kenya's new rulers to tolerate, and so he was imprisoned for a year without trial in 1977. What Ngugi had realised when he began writing in Gikuyu, and even more so in prison, was the reality of neocolonialism as the primary mechanism of postcolonial rule. This wasn't the standard 'neocolonialism' that anti- and post-colonial activists used to describe the ongoing power of former colonial rulers by other means after formal independence, but rather the willing adoption of colonial technologies and discourses of rule by newly independent leaders, many of whom – like Jomo Kenyatta, Ngugi liked to point out – themselves suffered imprisonment and torture under the British rule. Thus, true decolonisation could only occur when people's minds were freed from foreign control, which required first and perhaps foremost the freedom to write in one's native language. Although rarely acknowledged, Ngugi's concept of neocolonialism, which owed much, he'd regularly explain, to the writings of Kwame Nkrumah and other African anti-colonial intellectuals-turned-political leaders, anticipated the rise of the now ubiquitous 'decolonial' and 'Indigenous' turns in the academy and progressive cultural production by almost a generation. Indeed, Ngugi has long been placed together with Edward Said, Homi Bhabha and Gayatri Chakravorty Spivak as the founding generation of postcolonial thought and criticism. But he and Said, whom he'd frequently discuss as a brother-in-arms and fellow admirer of Polish-British writer Joseph Conrad, shared a similar all-encompassing focus on language, even as Said wrote his prose mostly in English rather than Arabic. For Said and Ngugi, colonialism had not yet passed, but was very much still an ongoing, viscerally and violently lived reality – for the former through the ever more violent and ultimately annihilatory settler colonialism, for the latter through the violence of successive governments. Ngugi saw his link with Said in their common experience growing up under British rule. As he explained in his afterword to a recently published anthology of Egyptian prison writings since 2011, 'The performance of authority was central to the colonial culture of silence and fear,' and disrupting that authority and ending the silence could only come first through language. For Said, the swirl of Arabic and English in his mind since childhood created what he called a 'primal instability', one that could be calmed fully when he was in Palestine, which he returned to multiple times in the last decade of his life. For Ngugi, even as Gikuyu enabled him to 'imagine another world, a flight to freedom, like a bird you see from the [prison] window,' he could not make a final return home in his last years. Still, from his home in Orange County, California in the United States, he would never tire of urging students and younger colleagues to 'write dangerously', to use language to resist whatever oppressive order in which they found themselves. The bird would always take flight, he would say, if you could write without fear. The views expressed in this article are the author's own and do not necessarily reflect Al Jazeera's editorial stance.


Al Jazeera
a day ago
- Al Jazeera
Amnesty calls for probe into ‘reckless' Nigerian military air strike
A military air strike in northwest Nigeria has killed at least 20 people, according to the military and local residents, prompting calls from human rights groups for an investigation into the attack. The strike occurred over the weekend in Zamfara state, one of the regions worst affected by violence from armed groups, commonly referred to as 'bandits'. Nigerian Air Commodore Ehimen Ejodame said the strike followed intelligence that 'a significant number of terrorists were massing and preparing to strike unsuspecting settlements'. 'Further intelligence confirmed that the bandits had killed some farmers and abducted a number of civilians, including women and children,' Ejodame said in a statement, adding that two local vigilantes were killed and two others injured in the crossfire. However, according to residents cited by the AFP news agency, a group of local vigilantes pursuing a gang was mistakenly bombed by a Nigerian military jet. The air force had been called in by villagers who had suffered an attack earlier in the weekend. Locals said an unknown number of people were also wounded in the strike. 'We were hit by double tragedy on Saturday,' said Buhari Dangulbi, a resident of the affected area. 'Dozens of our people and several cows were taken by bandits, and those who trailed the bandits to rescue them were attacked by a fighter jet. It killed 20 of them.' Residents told AFP that the bandits had earlier attacked the villages of Mani and Wabi in Maru district, stealing cattle and abducting several people. In response, vigilantes launched a pursuit to recover the captives and stolen livestock. 'The military aircraft arrived and started firing, killing at least 20 of our people,' Abdullahi Ali, a Mani resident and member of a local hunters' militia, told the Reuters news agency. Another resident, Ishiye Kabiru, said: 'Our vigilantes from Maraya and nearby communities gathered and went after the bandits. Unfortunately, a military jet struck them.' Alka Tanimu, also from the area, added: 'We will still have to pay to get those kidnapped back, while the cows are gone for good.' Amnesty International condemned the strike and urged a full investigation. 'Attacks by bandits clearly warrant a response from the state, but to launch reckless air strikes into villages – again and again – is absolutely unlawful,' the rights group said. Nigeria's military has previously acknowledged mistakenly hitting civilians during air operations targeting armed gangs. In January, at least 16 vigilantes were killed in a similar strike in Zamfara's Zurmi district. In December 2022, more than 100 civilians were killed in Mutunji village while pursuing bandits. A year later, an attack on a religious gathering in Kaduna state killed at least 85 people.