Mark Latham reveals ‘truth' about defecation claim in new affidavit
In a graphic account of the couple's relationship filed in NSW Local Court, the NSW MP strongly denies all of Ms Matthews' allegations of mistreatment in their relationship, insisting that some of the more unusual sexual acts they engaged in were at her request.
Confirming for the first time that her original claim in an AVO application that he defecated on her prior to sex had occurred, he insists he was simply following orders.
'She asked me to s*** on her in the bathroom once because it turned her on,' he wrote.
'I did that but said we wouldn't be doing it again.
'She said she would like to s*** on me and I said that would never happen and it never did.'
In the affidavit, which was first obtained by The Sunday Telegraph, Mr Latham asserts that the couple's 'consensual subservience' was at the behest of his younger girlfriend.
'As a reflection of this desire, she insisted on calling me 'master' and that I use this nomenclature,' Mr Latham writes in the affidavit.
'When having sex, she would invariably demand from me, 'Call me Mark's slut,' or 'Call me Master's slut,' knowing this would bring her to orgasm multiple times,' he wrote.
'She was a highly powered sexual woman who knew what she liked and how to get it.'
He claims this role play allowed her to 'orgasm multiple times'.
Ms Matthews has been contacted for comment on this claim.
Mr Latham has previously slammed the media as 'peeping toms' amid revelations his former partner booked him two sex workers to celebrate his 64th birthday and asked for the escorts to refer to the NSW MP as 'master'.
In her own application for an AVO in the NSW Local Court, Ms Matthews claims Mr Latham pressed her 'to engage in sexual acts with others' and demanded she call him 'master' – claims Mr Latham strongly denies.
'Throughout our relationship, the defendant engaged in a sustained pattern of emotional, physical, sexual, psychological, and financial abuse, including defecating on me before sex and refusing to let me wash,'' the application states.
News.com.au does not suggest the claims are true, only that they have been made in an application to the NSW Local Court in pursuit of an AVO.
Mr Latham led the Labor Party from December 2003 before going on to lose the federal election in October 2004. He later joined the Liberal Democrats (2017–2018) and then One Nation (2018–2023).
Mr Latham also claims in the affidavit that Ms Matthews had up to 20 sexual partners in the two years they were together.
According to the report, Mr Latham claims that Ms White once sent him naked photos in the aftermath of a group sex session with four Emirati men.
Mr Latham claims in the affidavit that Ms Matthews sent him annual text messages to mark the date, including one that said, 'I told you I'd be your slut. I think I'm doing a good job!'
The NSW Labor MP also claims in the affidavit that Ms Matthews was a fan of controversial influencer Andrew Tate and had a fetish for married men.
'In f***ing me, it shows me how much they value it — risking their marriage,' Mr Latham claimed in the document that Ms Matthew told him during their relationship.
'I've done my best to ignore her but … she has tried to make herself unavoidable in my life through this bogus AVO application and scores of leaks to the media, producing salacious headlines.'
The matter will return to court next month.
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ABC News
an hour ago
- ABC News
Child's death drives churches to call out coercive control and cult-like behaviour
How did one man convince 13 other people to let an eight-year-old girl die? This is the question haunting many people of faith in the southern Queensland town of Toowoomba. Elizabeth Struhs died after members of a cult called The Saints withdrew her medication for her type 1 diabetes. They prayed and sang around her until she perished. Then they prayed to God for her resurrection. Fourteen members of The Saints, including Elizabeth's parents, are now serving jail time for manslaughter. The leader of the group is Brendan Stevens, a self-styled pastor who exerted absolute control. He taught followers that doctors and medications were evil, and that only God could heal. According to Brendan, you couldn't be a Christian without the physical manifestation of speaking in tongues. Without that, he argued, you were not imbued with the Holy Spirit. Indeed, Brendan viewed himself as the messenger of God and his followers as chosen ones, superior to normal human beings. His extreme Pentecostal theology led his members on what's known as a "purity spiral". Kerrie Struhs, the mother of Elizabeth, was a devotee. This wasn't the first time she had rejected a doctor's advice to give her daughter insulin. Two years before, in 2019, Kerrie refused to follow a doctor's instructions. On July 15, 2019, she had the following text message exchange with Brendan: Kerrie: I know you are already praying but could some of you have some praying NOW for Elizabeth and me. Brendan: Yes indeed Kerry. God is faithful praise God ... in my vision I see Elizabeth turning to you and saying " I am getting better mummy …" Kerrie: AMEN It can't happen any other way. A day after those text messages were sent, Elizabeth was in deep trouble. She could no longer walk. Kerrie sent another text message to Brendan, telling him that her husband Jason was taking their daughter to the hospital. "GOD shall prevail not JASON," Brendan replied. Following that 2019 incident, Kerrie was convicted of neglecting her child and served nine months of her sentence. Three weeks after she was released from prison, Elizabeth was dead. Kerrie's police interviews after her child's death reveal a woman without empathy or grief. In the tapes, she believes Elizabeth could be raised from the dead. "We still believe [God] can do anything. He has promised healing," she told officers on January 11, 2022. Kerrie Struhs and her husband Jason received a 14-year sentence for manslaughter. Brendan Stevens was given 13 years and the others in the group, mainly people in their 20s and 30s, received between six and seven years. Two of those young people were Lachlan Schoenfisch and his wife Samantha. He was an engineer with a bright future, she was a dancer and hairdresser. Elizabeth's death rocked the Schoenfisch family. Today, Lachlan's father Cameron is part of a group of Christians in Toowoomba who are speaking out about the problem of cult-like behaviour in their church communities. Soon after joining The Saints, Lachlan and Samantha tried to recruit Cameron and his wife Jen. "Lachlan wanted to tell us about his experience and … the teaching of Brendan Stevens, who claimed to be without sin and to be the messenger of God," Cameron tells ABC TV's Compass. He recalls being dubious about Brendan's claims, including the idea that people could only be considered Christian if they spoke in tongues. "The proof of receiving the Holy Spirit would be that you would jibber jabber, allegedly speak in tongues, unknown tongues," Cameron says. It was at this point, he and his wife realised they had lost their son to a cult. "My heart was broke," he says. "I've seen all the tragedies that unfold as a result of some of these extreme [religious] teachings, and I'd warned [Lachlan] about those prior, but he couldn't listen. "I said, 'Son, I know what you've got, and I don't want it.'" Three years on from Elizabeth's death, many are concerned that extreme beliefs are still proliferating throughout this part of Queensland. Les Donges was once a member of a cult, but left after long conversations with Cameron Schoenfisch. Les has a close family member who was also involved in Pentecostalism and refused to take his medication for diabetes. That relative nearly died. "He went from about 80 kilos down to less than 50, literally pretty much skin and bone," Les says. "He understood the medical repercussions of not taking insulin. He knew full well that there were issues with eyesight, with blood clots, with limb loss" There were other concerning incidents taking place. Les recalls being told by a pastor about someone trying to raise a deceased person from the grave — during a funeral. "The funeral director was quite aghast, I guess, at somebody praying for this man to be raised as he was being buried," Les says. "Obviously, that wasn't going to happen, and it didn't happen." But there have been glimmers of hope. Out of this tragedy has come a network of Christian pastors who are determined to educate themselves — and their followers — about coercive control. They want to teach people the warning signs of cult behaviour, before it is too late. Denis Lennox was formerly the executive director of Queensland Rural and Remote Medical Support. He is a Christian pastor and a good friend of Cameron Schoenfisch, Lachlan's dad. Denis believes coercive control is endemic to our homes, churches and workplaces. "In many instances, churches have borrowed the system of power that's used in our world generally, including coercion, domination, lauding it over people, and it's replete within our church communities where it should not be," he says. At the same time, he says many churches are in denial about how widespread the problem is in religious communities. "The central process of abuse of power is deception, and deception works best when it's hidden," he says. "The best way to deal with this, in fact, is to expose it to the light, to expose it to the truth, to talk … [to build an] awareness of power and how it can be abused, particularly in our church and family situations, so that we can redress it. Denis and a network of pastors have put together a series of workshops called Time to Do Better, led by a domestic violence expert. They are working on including education about coercive control in every aspect of church life, including bible study groups and children's activities — wherever people come together. For Cameron Schoenfisch and the other families of The Saints members, it is a hard road ahead. The father has a message for his son, who may be soon out on parole: "I would just like to say to Lachlan, 'We love you as much as ever in spite of what you've done. But everything that we do has consequences. Wake up to yourself and come back to us.'" Watch The Cult of the Saints on Compass tonight at 6:30pm on ABC TV, or stream on ABC iview now. Suzanne Smith is a producer and presenter, and author of The Altar Boys.
SBS Australia
an hour ago
- SBS Australia
Why some former inmates find life outside prison just as hard as life inside
Vincent Siahaan once thought criminals who reoffended or ended up back in prison were "stupid", until he came out of the system himself. When he was released, he found the first few months outside were just as difficult as the first few months inside. Siahaan was running his own restaurant in Brisbane when he got "caught up in the wrong crowd", and a series of bad decisions led to a conviction for drug trafficking and a nine-year jail sentence. The 40-year-old was released on parole after four and a half years and struggled to adjust to everyday life after leaving the routine of his life in prison. Getting a job proved even more difficult. I applied for everything really … and I've got a resume, I've got an extensive working history, and nobody would give me a crack. Vincent Siahaan believes many people struggle to adjust to life outside prison. Source: Supplied "I did sit for some interviews, and I'd have to tell them that I'd need to take some time off each week to see my parole officer, and they'd say 'that's fine, we'll get back to you'. But no-one did," Siahaan says. He says he was fortunate his wife had a job and was able to cover their living expenses, but many of his friends did not have this option. He says many of them have reoffended, particularly those who were unable to find work or did not have a reliable support system to help them turn their lives around. Before his first-hand experience, Vincent says he had not understood why people were repeat offenders. I just couldn't understand how stupid you must be to just come in and out … you get a second, third, fourth chance. And I just didn't understand it until I got out myself. "It's hard if you have no support, it's hard if you don't have a roof over your head," he says. "It's hard if you don't have money, a car, what are you meant to do? How many times are you supposed to take rejection?". Australia's high recidivism rates Lorana Bartels is a professor of criminology at the Australian National University and director of the Justice Reform Initiative, a non-partisan advocacy organisation that works to reduce the imprisonment rate in Australia. She says Australia's rate of recidivism is very high by international standards. "One common measure [of calculating recidivism rates] is what proportion of people who are in prison have been in prison previously," she says. "It's a measure used in many countries around the world, and our rate here in Australia is about 60 per cent, and in many countries it's more like 20 per cent." According to the Australian Bureau of Statistics, in 2024, there were 44,403 people in prison in Australia. Of these, 26,679 people had been imprisoned before. Bartels says certain demographics, such as Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander people and people from rural and remote areas, are statistically more likely to return to custody. "[They are] often returning to areas with lower employment prospects, poorer health opportunities, greater housing and economic stress; these are all things that are associated with a higher recidivism rate," she says. "For someone coming out of prison, if they don't have housing, if they don't have a job, if they can't read and write, if they have untreated mental health and alcohol and drug issues … the chances of them managing to stay out of prison are pretty low." The 'most effective factor' in reducing recidivism While the reasons for convicted criminals re-offending are complex, there are key factors that appear to make a difference in people staying out of the system. Nicole Dwyer is the CEO of Workskil Australia, a not-for-profit supporting people facing barriers to employment. Dwyer says the organisation is working with around 3,000 former offenders across the country. "The three big issues for people leaving prison and why they go back in are: They can't find access to housing — that's probably one of the biggest issues at the moment, especially with the housing crisis," she says. "They also [often] don't have any connection with family and friends, so they're fairly isolated, and they can't find employment. "If you can crack those three things, we find you can reduce re-offending substantially." Of these factors, Dwyer says employment is the most effective in preventing recidivism She believes having access to support services and employment programs can make a difference. Bartels agrees and says employment "occupies a number of hours of the day, it gives the person money, it gives them a social identity". "Many people who have been in the system for a long time, they may not know any [other] way of life other than committing crime and hanging out with other people who commit crime," she says. "So being involved in stable legal employment is a really important way to start creating a new non-offending identity." 'Something to prove' Mitchell Harnwell, 30, spent nearly four years going in and out of the prison system while struggling with drug addiction. He says he applied for jobs and attended several interviews, but struggled to find an employer who would hire him due to his criminal history. Eventually, he returned to selling drugs. When you need money to pay bills, you do what you need to do to get by. "It was easier to make a phone call and start selling again, and then with selling it becomes using, and it's the same cycle," he says. Mitchell Harnwell struggled to find a job after being released from prison. Source: Supplied Harnwell was eventually able to get clean, and found a job through a friend whose employer knew about his history and was open to giving him a chance. Having a job provided him not only with an income, but also structure and stability, and helped him stay busy and "keep out of trouble". He believes many former prisoners can make good employees, particularly for physically demanding jobs, as they are used to following a routine and have a good fitness level after training in prison. We come out fit, you're used to working hard, and a lot of time, you've got something to prove, so you work extra hard. Finding a new identity With his wife's support, Siahaan became a certified personal trainer and set up his own business. Now, he is in the process of setting up a charity and advocating for more support for former inmates. He has set up a community organisation, Inside Out, connecting former inmates with prospective employers, and has been overwhelmed with the response. Like Harnwell, Siahaan says work opportunities can help those in need of routine and stability after leaving prison. "Inside there is structure … everyone knows their place, and then you get out here and it's sort of like you lose your identity," he says. "When I came out, I felt lost … and that's why a job is so crucial, because it sort of gives you a purpose or identity." While he says the reasons for recidivism are complex, he believes employment is one of the biggest factors. "You won't be as inclined to stray if you have people holding you accountable and you have something to wake up to every morning — but a lot of people don't get that chance."
SBS Australia
an hour ago
- SBS Australia
'Without rule of law, you've got rule of the jungle': Looking back on a life as a war crimes prosecutor
Graham Blewitt never set out to become a pioneer in war crimes prosecution. The now-retired 78 year old, who lives in south-west Sydney, says he "got into war crimes accidentally". His first job fresh out of high school in the office of the director of Public Prosecutions in New South Wales saw him embark on a career in criminal law. But leaping into the world of war crime didn't come until 1988. "I was offered a position to work with Bob Greenwood QC, who was the director of the Special Investigations Unit, set up by the Hawke Government to investigate and prosecute Nazi collaborators who are living in Australia." More than 500 suspected Nazi collaborators who had migrated to Australia after the second world war were investigated. But many had already died, others died during the course of investigations, and many allegations couldn't be substantiated due to a lack of available evidence. In the end, three people were charged under Australia's War Crimes Act 1945: Ivan Polyukhovich, Heinrich Wagner, and Mikolay Berezovsky. Polyukhovich was accused of helping massacre more than 850 Jews in the northern Ukrainian village of Serniki. "We approached it in the same way that you would investigating any criminal act. And in the cases that we prosecuted, there were three indictments brought against three Nazi collaborators all from Ukraine, and all of them involved the mass execution of the Jewish population of various villages and towns. So we undertook investigations by going to those areas, interviewing survivors, interviewing witnesses who were still there and those who had become refugees after the war. "And those witnesses told us in their view what had happened. We then went and sent forensic teams and exhumed the bodies in the mass graves from the 1940s. And that was a first. None of the other units throughout the world investigating war crimes, none of them had ever undertaken a mass grave examination, but we did all three. And the forensic evidence was just overwhelming. It corroborated the evidence of the witnesses that we had found. So powerful was the evidence that the defence, when the prosecutions were taking place, the forensic evidence was not challenged." Although none of the prosecutions resulted in convictions, Blewitt says it was an important moment in Australian legal history. It also set the foundations for Blewitt's work prosecuting war crimes during the violent ethnic conflicts that broke out in the Balkans in the early 1990s. The United Nations Security Council set up the International Criminal Tribunal for the former Yugoslavia – the ICTY - in 1992, to investigate the many alleged atrocities occuring in the region. It was the first tribunal to investigate international war crimes after former Nazi leaders were tried at Nuremberg, and Japanese leaders at Tokyo, following World War Two. And Graham Blewitt, became the tribunal's deputy prosecutor. "There were daily news reports in the radio, on the TV, on newspapers reporting on crimes that were being committed. So, it was fairly obvious there were war crimes being committed. But out of the blue in 1992, I got a phone call from the United Nations in New York asking whether I would be prepared to join this commission of experts that was set up. And at the time, I was still heavily involved in the war crimes prosecutions of the Nazis here in Australia, so I couldn't walk away from that. But having been approached thereafter, I was very keen to watch what was happening in the Hague. "And I became aware that first of all that the judges had been appointed, 11 judges, but no prosecutor. And that the United Nations was having problems finding a prosecutor. When the last of the Nazi cases in Australia had finished, I contacted the United Nations, and I said well I'm now available if you think I can help. And that's when they asked me to come to the Hague to be interviewed for the job of deputy prosecutor. And I did that and was appointed and started there in February of 1994." Blewitt says when he arrived, he essentially walked into an empty prosecutor's office. The position of chief prosecutor remained vacant. And Blewitt found himself tasked with designing the office, recruiting staff and getting the ICTY's investigations off the ground. "Almost on a daily basis I was receiving reports and enquiries from the media wanting to know what's the tribunal doing when are you going to get started. And there were reports coming in daily of massacres, atrocities being committed throughout the Balkans. The tribunal could not fail because if it did, it would set back the initiatives that were taking place then to establish a permanent international criminal court. So that added extra pressure. I knew it would be a success because I knew it was possible. We were able in the Nazi war crimes work to bring to find evidence and to bring prosecutions against crimes that had been committed 50 years before. "And in a way the the work in the Balkans was easier because it was happening and the evidence was fresh. So hand-in-hand with recruiting staff, I was reading what was happening at the time and prioritising those investigations in my mind which investigations should come first because we had to select, we just couldn't investigate everything. And by the time the first prosecutor, Richard Goldstone from South Africa, who had been released from the constitutional court in South Africa by Nelson Mandela, when he started in August of 1994, I presented him with an office that was functioning, and investigations had already been started. And by November of that year, November 1994, we had already issued our first indictment." A key moment for the ICTY and Blewitt, came in July 1995. Years of war, bloodshed and displacement culminated in what would later be determined a genocide by the ICTY and the International Court of Justice. More than 8,000 mostly Muslim men and boys were slaughtered in Srebrenica, a small town in the far east of Bosnia and Herzegovina. What had been designated a United Nations 'safe zone' – became the scene of the largest mass killing on European soil since World War Two. Blewitt says at the time, his desk was already piled high with reports of atrocities throughout the Balkans: mass killings of unarmed civilians, widespread detentions in concentration camps, torture, and rape. But he remembers hearing reports "something terrible" had happened in Srebrenica. "At that stage we had no idea that it was going to turn into a genocide. But we realised it was serious enough that we needed to get a team on it straight away. We also established very early in the piece that General Ratko Mladic and the president the Bosnian President Karadzic were primarily responsible for what had happened. And as our investigation went by, we were assisted greatly by the Americans who gave us aerial imagery of the mass grave sites. And very soon after the investigation started, we realised that the bodies of the victims who had been executed were being buried in graves and once the Serbs found out that we were aware of the grave sites because of the imagery, they started to remove the bodies from those graves and then took them to more remote locations and buried the bodies in secondary graves. "And as the investigations went on after months, we were able to identify both the primary grave sites and the secondary sites, and we decided to carry out exhumations of the bodies in those grave sites. And some of the staff that were involved in the Australian exhumations in Ukraine. We were able to utilise their expertise and they were involved. Painstakingly they examined the sites and by comparing soil samples, they were able to link the secondary sites with the primary sites. And all that forensic evidence became very important in the subsequent prosecutions that took place." Blewitt describes the July 1995 massacres at Srebrenica as a "clear cut" genocide. "Looking at the definition of genocide, there has to be the intent to destroy in whole or in part a political, ethnic, or religious group. Looking at Srebrenica, what the Bosnian Serbs were trying to do and and in fact did was to kill all the men and boys from Srebrenica, and there were thousands of them. So that for us clearly fell within the definition of trying to destroy in part the ethnic group of the Bosniaks. In our view met the criteria for the definition of genocide and that then led to the charge genocide being brought. And the court later, the judges at trial and in the appeals agreed that yes, there was a genocide and it was proclaimed as such." In November 1995, indictments were issued against Karadžić and Mladić, preventing them from attending peace talks in Dayton, Ohio. Critics told them the decision might interrupt the peace process - however, the ICTY prosecutors felt they had to be prosecuted and held to account. Blewitt recalls the prosecutor's office then reaching a point where dozens of public indictments had been issued, but no arrests had been made. He says the tribunal risked becoming a "toothless tiger", until there was a breakthrough in 1996 during the term of the ICTY's second chief prosecutor, Louise Arbour from Canada. "We were able to effectively force NATO, the Stabilisation Force SFOR into starting to arrest the fugitives. Once the first arrest attempt took place, it opened up the floodgates. And before we knew it, the detention centre in the Hague was full. It was necessary to build two additional courtrooms to accommodate all the accused. So once that point had been reached and trials were taking place on a daily basis in three courtrooms, the tribunal was well and truly underway. And I think it became apparent to everybody, including the international community, that the tribunal was going to succeed. And that gave confidence to those setting up the permanent international criminal court, the ICC. "And when that was established, then clearly the legacy of the tribunal had made itself clear. It had also brought a level of justice to the victims. All 161 individuals indicted by the tribunal were dealt with. Either arrested, stood trial, some were convicted, some were acquitted, some died. But at the end and particularly certainly in my point of view it was a complete and utter success. And it's a one that I'm very proud of being able to have been involved in. I left the tribunal in 2005, 2004 rather. Very optimistic that at last international criminal law was enforceable. But at this point in time today I don't hold that optimism anymore." The source of his disappointment, Blewitt says, is watching wars rage around the world while seeing some leaders undermine the institutions set up to hold the perpetrators of war crimes to account. In February, US President Donald Trump signed an executive order sanctioning the ICC, saying the court had issued "baseless warrants" against Israeli leaders, including Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu. The ICC's 'Situation in the State of Palestine' case says it has reasonable grounds to believe Netanyahu and his former defence minister Yoav Gallant bear criminal responsibility for "the war crime of starvation as a method of warfare; and the crimes against humanity of murder, persecution, and other inhumane acts". Israel denies the allegations. "What's happening today throughout the world is a complete disappointment. Seeing what's happening with the ICC. The virtual collapse of the integrity of the Security Council. And under Trump's administration imposing sanctions on the ICC members including judges doing their work. You know, it's an appalling situation. Those sort of comments bring people to not to trust the ICC. And with the Trump administration supporting Israel and Netanyahu in particular. "And we're seeing on a daily basis the atrocities that are happening in Gaza. And it's clear that there's a genocide taking place there as well. When you add all of the various incidents happening on a daily basis together, to me the only logical conclusion is that yes, the Israelis are intent on destroying the Palestinians in Gaza. And there's an argument in my mind that that constitutes genocide. And I would have no hesitation in bringing an indictment against the Israeli leaders for genocide and let the court decide whether it's genocide or not." The ICC case on the State of Palestine has not included the charge of genocide. The International Court of Justice (ICJ), however is considering whether Israel is committing genocide in Gaza in a case brought by South Africa. Israel has repeatedly rejected genocide accusations, denying that there is the "intent", which is key for the charge of genocide. Blewitt says investigating and prosecuting alleged war crimes in Gaza today would be far more complex than it was for him. "We didn't have access to the social media and the iPhone images. We were reliant on actual witnesses. The difference with those investigating what's happening in Gaza now is that it's not possible for investigators to gain entry to Gaza on the ground. It's not possible to investigate crime scenes. To that extent, there is a difference. There's also the complication that if there's an allegation that the Israelis were in fact responsible for war crimes with the complementarity provisions of the the ICC, Israel has to be given the opportunity to demonstrate that they are investigating any atrocities themselves. "We hear daily reports that they're inquiring but how realistic they're doing I don't know, it's anybody's guess. To me, the difficulty is where do you draw the line because we see on a daily basis atrocities being committed, bombings with civilians being killed. If I was involved in the investigations, I wouldn't know where to start to be honest. The ICC has already indicted Netanyahu. But not for any particular attack. It's more denying the civilian population of food and medical supplies and other humanitarian support. But I think the investigation needs to switch to actual incidents where lots of people have been killed." However the ICC's investigations turn out - it will likely be many years before they are resolved. But Blewitt maintains the work is important. "Without the rule of law, you've got the rule of the jungle. Prosecuting people for crimes against humanity and genocide and war crimes acts as a deterrent against other world leaders wanting to achieve some political goal. If they find themselves able to have impunity for such crimes, well then they're going to continue. But if you can end impunity for such crimes, then world leaders might hesitate before proceeding with killing innocent civilians, knowing that they're likely to be brought before the ICC or some other tribunal. In my view, and it's a clear view, unless you've got that deterrent in place, you're never going to stop what's happening in Gaza, in Ukraine, and in other parts of the world." Blewitt says you can't have peace without justice, with hope the ICTY's legacy as well as his own, can be upheld.
