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Federal judge denies detention for alleged MS-13 gang member Kilmar Abrego Garcia

Federal judge denies detention for alleged MS-13 gang member Kilmar Abrego Garcia

Yahoo15 hours ago

A federal judge in Tennessee has denied the government's request to hold Kilmar Abrego Garcia in continued detention while his criminal case proceeds.
Abrego Garcia is a Salvadorian migrant who was erroneously deported to El Salvador before being returned to the U.S. to face federal prosecution on charges of trafficking undocumented migrants and conspiring with others to do so.
U.S. Magistrate Judge Barbara Holmes denied the government's request to hold Abrego Garcia, though he will remain in custody until at least a hearing that has been scheduled to determine conditions of release, which the government can, and will likely, appeal.
Abrego Garcia appeared at his arraignment and hearing on the government's detention on June 13. According to the judge's decision on Sunday, "the sole circumstance about which the government and Abrego [Garcia] may agree in this case is the likelihood that Abrego [Garcia] will remain in custody regardless of the outcome of the issues raised in the government's motion for detention."
Returned Illegal Abrego Garcia Pleads Not Guilty; Judge Yet To Rule On Pretrial Custody
Holmes said in her decision that the court found no detention hearing is authorized under the Bail Reform Act because the government failed to prove the case involved a minor and that Abrego Garcia is considered a flight risk.
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Additionally, the court found that after considering several factors, the government failed to prove that Abrego Garcia poses an irremediable danger to the community.
Returned Salvadoran Migrant Kilmar Abrego Garcia Arraigned On Federal Human Trafficking Charges In Tennessee
Still, even if Abrego Garcia is to be released, ICE will arrest and detain him immediately via civil immigration process, separately from the criminal case.
The criminal case against Abrego Garcia, an alleged MS-13 member, comes after a high-profile, protracted legal fight over his deportation and the Trump administration's efforts to delay his return to the U.S., even after the Supreme Court ordered the administration to "facilitate" his release earlier this year.
The indictment alleges that Abrego Garica was part of a smuggling ring that helped bring immigrants to the U.S. illegally and smuggle them across the country. According to the indictment, Abrego Garcia and his co-conspirators made at least 100 trips between Texas and Maryland between 2016 and 2025, when he was deported.
Federal Judge Hammers Doj On Whereabouts Of Alleged Ms-13 Gang Member Following Scotus Order
Special Agent Peter T. Joseph told prosecutors on June 13 that he was first assigned to Abrego Garcia's case in April 2025, when he was still detained in El Salvador.
Since then, Joseph said, he has reviewed footage from Abrego Garcia's 2022 traffic stop, which has emerged as the basis of the human smuggling charges.
At the time, Joseph told prosecutors, Abrego Garcia had been driving a vehicle with nine passengers and was pulled over while driving from St. Louis to Maryland with an expired license.
Six of the nine passengers in the vehicle have since been identified as being in the U.S. illegally, Joseph said, adding that one passenger in the van told officers that he was born in 2007, which would have made him just 15 at the time.
Abrego Garcia's legal team has vehemently disputed his alleged status as an MS-13 member. Abrego Garcia pleaded not guilty to the smuggling charges.
His case has become a national flashpoint in the broader fight over Trump's hard-line immigration policies in his second White House term.
Fox News Digital's Breanne Deppisch contributed to this report.Original article source: Federal judge denies detention for alleged MS-13 gang member Kilmar Abrego Garcia

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Exiled prince looks to lead Iranian people in ending Islamic Republic: 'Our Berlin Wall moment'
Exiled prince looks to lead Iranian people in ending Islamic Republic: 'Our Berlin Wall moment'

Yahoo

time17 minutes ago

  • Yahoo

Exiled prince looks to lead Iranian people in ending Islamic Republic: 'Our Berlin Wall moment'

The exiled prince of Iran has proposed leading the country's democratic transition to end the Islamic Republic in a new speech Monday. "Today, it is clearer than ever: The Islamic Republic is collapsing," Reza Pahlavi, the eldest son of the late last shah of Iran, Mohammad Reza Shah Pahlavi, said. "Credible reports indicate that Ali Khamenei's family – and the families of senior regime officials – are making preparations to flee Iran. The regime is on its last legs, in towns and cities across the country. The military is fractured. The people are united. The foundations of this 46-year tyranny are shaking." "This is our Berlin Wall moment," Pahlavi said from a press conference he called in Paris. The Missing Mullah: Iran's 'Supreme Leader' A No-show For Negotiations, Then Hid As Us Pounded Nuke Sites Iranian Supreme Leader Ayatollah Ali Khamenei was reportedly hiding out in a bunker as the U.S. military pounded three Iranian nuclear sites over the weekend. Amid concerns that he could be assassinated, Khamenei has cut off all electronic communications to his commanders, relying on a trusted aide to relay orders, the New York Times reported. Pahlavi, whose father was the last monarch overthrown during the 1979 Iranian Revolution, said Monday that Iran currently stands at a crossroads, warning that the West handing the current regime a lifeline would only result in more bloodshed. Read On The Fox News App "The difference in these two roads depends on one factor and one factor alone: whether the current regime in Iran is allowed to survive," he said. "If the West throws the regime a lifeline there will be more bloodshed and chaos – because this regime will not submit or surrender after it has been humiliated. It will lash out. As long as it is in power, no country and no people are safe: whether on the streets of Washington, Paris, Jerusalem, Riyadh or Tehran." He argued for a "peaceful and democratic transition" and said the only way to achieve peace was through "a secular, democratic Iran." "I am here today to submit myself to my compatriots to lead them down this road to peace and a democratic transition," Pahlavi said. "I do not seek political power, but rather to help our great nation navigate through this critical hour toward stability, freedom, and justice." Pahlavi accused Khamenei of using the Iranian people as "human shields" by hiding out in his bunker. "Seeing the images of the people of Tehran forced to flee our beautiful capital, the explosions in Isfahan, the fires along the Persian Gulf, all fill me with pain. But more than pain, I am filled with anger because this war is the result of the selfishness, hatred, and terror of one man: Ali Khamenei," he said. "While he directs this war from the safety of his hidden bunker, he uses our people as human shields. It is time to end the suffering." In a direct message to Khamenei, Pahlavi said, "Step down. And if you do, you will receive a fair trial and due process of law. Which is more than you have ever given any Iranian." He said other senior regime officials would have to face justice but promised not to "repeat the mistakes made in other failed transitions." Pakistan Flip Flops On Trump Nobel Peace Prize Nomination After Less Than 24 Hours "To those of you who are loyal to the Iranian nation, and not the Islamic Republic: there is a future for you in a democratic Iran, if you join the people now," Pahlavi said. "The choice is yours to make. I know these officers, these soldiers, these brave men exist because they are reaching out to me and telling me they want to be part of this national salvation. But now, greater coordination is needed." Pahlavi announced that he is establishing "a formal channel for military, security, and police personnel to reach out directly to me, my team, and our expanding operation." He promised that it was a "secure platform to efficiently manage the growing volume of inbound communications and requests from those breaking with the regime and seeking to join our movement." He said the international community was right to be concerned about stopping nuclear weapons and securing regional stability. Although the destruction of the three nuclear sites at Natanz, Isfahan and Fordow has "diminished the regime's domestic nuclear enrichment," Pahlavi warned that the U.S. strikes did "not diminish the regime's intent to acquire and use nuclear weapons." "The regime, enraged and emboldened, will be seeking revenge and can acquire nuclear weapons from other rogue regimes like North Korea," he said. "The destruction of the regime's nuclear facilities alone will not deliver peace." Pahlavi said he was "stepping forward to lead this national transition – not out of personal interest but as a servant of the Iranian people." He said he has a "clear plan for transition and national renewal" based on three core principles: Iran's territorial integrity; individual liberties and equality of all citizens; and separation of religion and state. Pahlavi proposed convening a "national unity summit" of activists, dissidents, business leaders, professionals, experts and other groups outside of politics. The goal would be for them to together develop a roadmap to democratic transition, and he said the "final form of this future democracy we seek will be for the Iranian people to decide in a national referendum." Pahlavi also said he developed a three-phase, comprehensive plan for the "economic reconstruction and social stabilization" of the country. He promised that his team of experts "will publish the plans for the first 100 days after the collapse of the Islamic Republic based on this work." "We are bringing together some of the world's greatest investors, builders, entrepreneurs, and experts who care about Iran and see its immense potential," he said. Before opting for U.S. military intervention, President Donald Trump reportedly was working with Turkey to coordinate a diplomatic resolution to the Israel-Iran conflict and cut a nuclear deal, but the ayatollah did not engage. According to Axios, sources said Trump offered to send Vice President JD Vance and White House envoy Steve Witkoff for negotiations, and Trump offered to come to Turkey himself if it meant meeting with Iranian President Masoud Pezeshkian. Turkey relayed the proposal to its Iranian counterparts, who reportedly could not reach Khamenei for hours. Without the ayatollah's sign-off, the proposed meeting was called article source: Exiled prince looks to lead Iranian people in ending Islamic Republic: 'Our Berlin Wall moment'

‘America is not necessarily a guarantee. It never is.'
‘America is not necessarily a guarantee. It never is.'

Washington Post

time2 hours ago

  • Washington Post

‘America is not necessarily a guarantee. It never is.'

Jose Antonio Vargas made headlines in 2011 when he revealed in an essay for the New York Times Magazine that he was an undocumented immigrant. Vargas had come to the United States from the Philippines at age 12 to live with his grandparents, only learning years later that he had done so illegally. In the essay, Vargas described coming of age and launching his career in journalism — including at The Washington Post, where he was part of the Pulitzer Prize-winning team that covered the Virginia Tech shootings — all while living in fear that he would be found out. 'I'm done running,' he wrote. 'I'm exhausted. I don't want that life anymore.' Vargas, who founded the nonprofit advocacy organization Define American, expanded on the essay in his memoir, 'Dear America: Notes From an Undocumented Citizen.' First published in 2018, the book was among the earliest entries in what's now a growing canon that explores the experiences of undocumented immigrants, including work by Dan-el Padilla Peralta, Javier Zamora, Karla Cornejo Villavicencio, Cristina Jiménez and Jill Damatac. This month, amid high-profile public clashes over President Donald Trump's immigration policies and enforcement, Vargas released a new edition of 'Dear America.' It includes a new epilogue, in which he recounts leaving the United States for the first time since his arrival so he can become documented. Vargas and I spoke over the phone while he was in New York getting ready to promote the book. Our conversation has been edited for length and clarity. It's an interesting time to revisit this material. How does it feel to prepare to go out and talk about the book again? You know, I wrote this book during the first Trump administration. I actually was living in downtown Los Angeles. The apartment building manager would see me on TV — because back then I used to go on Fox and other shows, talking about immigration — and when Trump was elected, the building manager literally said to me: 'I'm not sure what we would do if ICE were to come to the building and get you. I'm not sure we can protect you here.' I was so rattled by the conversation that I actually moved out of the building and then put everything I own in storage and didn't have a place. That was when I started writing. [laughs] I have to tell you, the thing that's probably been the most surprising about this book is — and I'm so thankful that so many teachers and professors have assigned it to their students — I would get messages on Instagram saying, 'Oh my God, thank you so much — the book is so short! Did you know that teachers would assign it, and students don't want to read long books.' And I'm like, 'No, that's not why. It's written the way that it's written because I wanted to capture the rhythm of a life on the run.' So this goes to your question: In some ways, given what's happening in Los Angeles and in the country — the interior life of being an undocumented person, and the fact that you have to lie, you have to pass, you have to hide, that's as relevant and urgent as ever. What was the impetus for releasing a new edition? It happened right around the election, after Trump was elected president. Wow — so it was fast? Oh yeah. I was texting with Carrie Thornton, the head of Dey Street Books. And at the time, I did not tell Carrie — because I didn't tell really a lot of people; I didn't tell my own family — that I was going through this process [to apply for a visa], that I was about to leave the U.S. for the first time in my life. I told her that given that Trump was just elected again, that this was going to get even worse. In the back of the book, there's a QR code that leads to a list of organizations across the country to donate to, to volunteer at — and we're going to keep adding to it. Because I think more than ever, all politics is local. In the new epilogue, you write — I think in a moment of optimism — that you think Americans are movable on immigration. But it seems that in the last few years, anti-immigrant sentiment grew significantly. And in 2024, immigration appears to have been one of the main issues driving non-White voters to the Republican Party. What have you seen in your advocacy that makes you think the tide could shift the other way? We, meaning people on the pro-immigrant side, have not invested in what, at Define America, we call 'the movable middle.' Our research has found that a large portion of Americans across racial and ethnic backgrounds fall between party lines on immigration. We work with this research firm called Harmony Labs, going beyond demographics to describe audiences. So, for example, there are people who are social role followers, who are interested in culture and invested in the local communities. There are churchgoers who respect authority and are interested in helping others. There are autonomous pleasure seekers interested in fun, play, relaxation. Then there's the DIY go-getters. We actually got specific and looked at these four types of audiences. We found the strategies that we know can move people. Guess what? Journalists are irrelevant to them, for the most part; social media are shaping their worldviews. We found that national news is less important for these people than it is for the base and opposition. We also learned that stories told by immigrants themselves resonate deeply, and that telling narratives centered on food, sport and comedy is way more effective than overtly political or policy-driven content. The book now ends with your traveling to Mexico, applying for a D-3 waiver, and getting an O visa. How has becoming documented changed the way you go about your life? To be honest, I'm still, I think, adjusting to that reality. The biggest change was getting a real ID. You know, I live on Alaska and Delta airlines. I go back and forth between New York and the Bay Area. I travel a lot, speaking to groups, going to places that maybe I'm not supposed to be going to in the country because people are not as welcoming to immigrants. So that's a really big, practical change. The visa is valid for three years and then I have to renew it. And I think that's kind of where I'm at with that — just trying to understand that America is not necessarily a guarantee. It never is. Home is a big theme of the book; it's literally the first line and the last line. It took me being outside of the country, being in Mexico, applying for this visa — I think that was when I realized just how much of my identity, and how I think of myself, is tied to this country. I think at some point you described yourself as in an 'abusive, co-dependent relationship with America.' Right, I'm in a toxic relationship with America! I think that's kind of where I'm still at. Look, I started this journey when I was 30, when I came out as undocumented and started Define American. I'm knocking on 45 in the next few months. For me, how do I define success, how do I define happiness, how I define belonging in a way that's not tied to a piece of paper or a piece of legislation? That's become something that I have to grapple with. Am I waiting, how long is it going to take, for me to be a citizen? That's why the word 'citizen' is underlined [on the cover of the book]. To me, that's the conversation: What is the cost and the responsibility of being a citizen of this country? There are many millions of people who are not citizens legally, who in many ways are more American because we have had to endure. I was struck by this line from the original edition, where you get quite personal. You say: 'I feel like a thing. A thing to be explained and understood, tolerated and accepted. A thing that spends too much time educating people so it doesn't have to educate itself on what it has become. I feel like a thing that can't just be.' It sort of suggested that you didn't feel there was space for you to explore what you wanted from life, because you were expending all this energy outward, figuring out how you're perceived and how to navigate various systems. Do you still feel that way? That, to me, is actually one of my core challenges: How do I not be defined solely by my immigration status? As I meet young people who are undocumented themselves, I don't want to surrender to that. I don't want to surrender to the master narrative of being 'an illegal alien.' That's why I thought the epilogue was really important. I so believe in following a process that, what did I do? I left the country, after 31 years of living here, with no guarantee that I'd be allowed back in — all so I can follow a process. How many times, when we talk about undocumented people, do you hear about a process to legalize them? None! So, as much as possible, I don't want to be this thing that has to keep explaining itself — and yet, I know that the freedom of people like me is directly proportional to how ignorant people are.

Strong support for third term for Bukele, despite constitutional ban
Strong support for third term for Bukele, despite constitutional ban

UPI

time2 hours ago

  • UPI

Strong support for third term for Bukele, despite constitutional ban

Salvadoran President Nayib Bukele enters his third term with broad support according to a new poll. File Photo by Ken Cedeno/UPI | License Photo June 23 (UPI) -- Salvadoran President Nayib Bukele begins his seventh year in office with strong public backing, including majority support for a third consecutive term, despite a constitutional ban on re-election, according to a new poll by the University Institute of Public Opinion at José Simeón Cañas Central American University. The study found that seven in 10 Salvadorans support Bukele seeking a third consecutive term, even though the Constitution prohibits it. Overall, 70.6% said they "agree" or "strongly agree" with a new re-election bid, while 25.4% were opposed. Paradoxically, 95% of respondents said it is important to respect the country's Constitution. The apparent contradiction underscores how many Salvadorans prioritize stability and security under President Nayib Bukele's leadership over institutional concerns. The poll found that 54.3% of respondents described him as "a president who imposes order with a firm hand," a phrase often tied to his hardline governing style. Respondents gave Bukele an average rating of 8.15 out of 10, slightly below his score from the previous year. His administration overall received a 7.85, down from 8.28 in 2024. Public security remains the cornerstone of Bukele's support. About 75.2% of those surveyed said improved safety is the country's greatest current achievement, while 66.6% cited his security policy as the administration's main accomplishment. Since 2022, the government has enforced a state of emergency aimed at dismantling street gangs -- a measure authorities say has sharply reduced homicides and extortion. The policy remains widely supported, with 66.8% of respondents backing its continuation. Bukele has built his image on that success. "I'd rather be called a dictator than see Salvadorans killed in the streets," he said in a recent speech, defending his controversial security measures against international criticism. Despite those gains, the economy remains the administration's most pressing challenge. About 39.2% of Salvadorans identified it as the country's top problem, followed by 15.3% who cited unemployment. Another 10.1% pointed to the high cost of living, and 5% mentioned poverty -- with nearly 70% overall naming economic hardship as the nation's most urgent concern. Despite large government investments in infrastructure and flagship projects, rising prices for basic goods and limited economic opportunities continue to concern the public. A lack of access to adequate housing also stands out among social issues, with 87 out of every 100 people saying it is difficult or very difficult to buy or rent a home in El Salvador. These concerns reflect rising inflation in recent years and persistently low wages for many workers. While the desire to emigrate has declined, it remains present among roughly 14% of Salvadorans -- often tied to the search for better living conditions. Bukele's government has faced criticism over human rights and democratic standards, both domestically and internationally. In just over two years, more than 78,000 people have been arrested in anti-gang operations, pushing the prison population to record levels. Authorities say about 2.5% of all Salvadoran adults are now incarcerated. While the government says most of those arrested are gang members or collaborators, Human Rights Watch and Amnesty International have documented thousands of cases of arbitrary detention, as well as reports of torture, abuse in prisons, forced disappearances and deaths of inmates in state custody during this period. Some Salvadorans have also raised concerns over the government's harsh tactics. The UCA poll found that 58% of respondents said they are afraid to express political views critical of the government, fearing reprisals. Forty-eight out of 100 believe someone who criticizes the president could be detained or imprisoned -- a reflection of growing tension around civil liberties. Independent media outlets have reported surveillance through government spyware, while domestic NGOs face stigmatization and some opposition figures have gone into exile, citing fears of prosecution. The government has rejected those allegations. Even so, independent polling firms CID Gallup and TResearch show Bukele's approval remains high, with ratings between 80% and 90% throughout 2024 and 2025 -- unusually strong support for a leader at this stage of a presidency.

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