
Woman caught up in fray as Gotti grandkids allegedly beat brother-in-law, video shows
The two Gotti brothers who brazenly beat down their brother-in-law in Queens also accidentally punched a woman who entered the fray, video obtained exclusively by The Post shows.
A witness filmed part of the June 2 assault allegedly carried out in Howard Beach by John and Frankie Gotti, grandsons of the late 'Teflon Don' John Gotti.
In the footage, one of the brothers, dressed in a white T-shirt, is spotted outside a home on 84th Street, on the passenger side of a white Mercedes Benz SUV. The other brother is on the driver's side of the vehicle.
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5 The footage of the beatdown was shared by a Post source.
Obtained by the New York Post
A man can be seen throwing punches in the direction of a taller man — presumably Gino Gabrielli, who is the brother of John's wife, Eleanor Gabrielli — and an unidentified woman.
One of the Gotti boys' blows appears to hit both Gabrielli and the woman, who was standing between the Gotti bro and Gabrielli in a bid to protect the latter.
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5 Frank and John Gotti are seen leaving court.
William C Lopez/New York Post
Several neighbors told The Post they did not recognize the woman in the video, who appears to have been socked in the face.
In the brief clip, a woman can be heard yelling, 'Right now!'
5 The two brothers are the grandsons of mob legend John Gotti.
AP
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John, 31, and Frankie, 27, were hit with third-degree attempted assault and harassment charges by prosecutors for allegedly slugging Gabrielli, whom they said burglarized one of their homes.
Gabrielli was allegedly caught on camera entering a bedroom window at John Gotti's Jamaica house, according to a criminal complaint obtained by The Post.
5 No one answered the door when The Post stopped by.
Helayne Seidman
He allegedly stole $3,000, a pair of his sister's earrings, a watch, wallet and belt, the criminal complaint states.
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Gabrielli was arrested and charged with second-degree burglary, third-degree grand larceny and third-degree criminal possession of stolen property.
But following his supervised release, John and Frankie, who are the sons of Peter Gotti, allegedly went looking for their brother-in-law, sources previously told The Post.
5 The slugged woman's identity was unknown.
Obtained by the New York Post
The two brothers pleaded not guilty in Queens Criminal Court.
John and Frank's famous granddad led the Gambino crime family for decades and was finally convicted of murder and racketeering in 1992 after endlessly frustrating the feds.
The high-profile mob patriarch died in jail at 61 in 2002.

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Atlantic
2 hours ago
- Atlantic
In Minnesota, America's Luck Ran Out
Early this morning, a gunman apparently impersonating a police officer targeted two Democratic Minnesota state lawmakers in their homes. First, he shot State Senator John Hoffman and his wife, who were seriously wounded. Law-enforcement officials believe the same gunman then shot Melissa Hortman, who served as Minnesota's speaker of the House from 2019 to 2024. She was killed, along with her husband, Mark. In September 2023, shortly after Donald Trump yet again encouraged direct political violence against his opponents, I wrote this: 'As a political scientist who studies political violence across the globe, I would chalk up the lack of high-profile assassinations in the United States during the Trump and post-Trump era to dumb luck … Eventually, all luck runs out.' That luck has now run out, in an idyllic Minneapolis suburb. Although details are still emerging, law-enforcement officials are searching for a former appointee of Democratic Governor Tim Walz in connection with the killings, which Walz called 'politically motivated.' The gunman reportedly had a manifesto and a list of targets that included the names of other Minnesota politicians as well as abortion providers in the state. Law-enforcement authorities intercepted but were not able to arrest the shooter shortly after he assassinated Hortman. Had they not, it's possible that he would have made his way to the homes of other Minnesota officials, trying to murder them too. Political violence—and assassinations in particular—are notoriously difficult to predict, precisely because the violence is often carried out by 'lone wolf' attackers. Just one deranged zealot is sufficient to carry out an act of consequential violence. In a country of 340 million people and even more guns, there will always be a small pool of potential killers eager to wreak havoc on the political system. That's why researchers who study political violence, including myself, try to understand what elevates or reduces the risk of violence, even if it can never be fully eradicated. In a context such as the United States, three key factors stand out: easy access to deadly weapons, intense polarization that paints political opponents as treasonous enemies rather than disagreeing compatriots, and incitements to political violence from high-profile public figures. When you combine those three social toxins, the likelihood of political violence increases, even as it remains impossible to predict who will be targeted or when attacks might be carried out. Again, law-enforcement officials still don't know the attacker's precise motivations, and trying to draw conclusions from any single act of political violence is foolish. Because they are rare, randomness plays a role in these instances, and many perpetrators are mentally unwell. But consider this comparison. Although we can't say that climate change caused a specific hurricane, we know that climate change produces stronger hurricanes. Similarly, we may not be able to draw a direct link from rhetoric to a specific act of violence, but we do know that incitements to violence make killings more likely. The United States has repeatedly refused to do anything about easy access to deadly weapons, despite having, by far, the highest rate of mass killings among developed democracies. As a result, the only feasible levers are reducing polarization and stopping high-profile incitements to commit violence. Instead, during the Trump era, polarization has sharply increased. And over the past decade, Trump himself has been the most dangerous political actor in terms of routinely inciting violence against his opponents, including against specific politicians who could become assassination targets. Such incitements matter. When a person with a massive public platform spreads information that encourages violence, attacks become more likely. From the April 2023 issue: Adrienne LaFrance on America's terrifying cycle of extremist violence From the beginning of his first campaign for president, Trump encouraged supporters to beat up hecklers at his rallies, saying he'd cover their legal bills if they ' knock the crap ' out of them. He floated the ideas of shooting looters, shooting shoplifters, and shooting migrants crossing the border. Trump also targeted the press, sharing a variety of violent memes involving specific outlets. He endorsed Greg Gianforte, now the governor of Montana, specifically because he violently attacked a reporter. ('Any guy that can do a body slam, he is my type,' Trump said, to cheers.) And, at the end of his first term, Trump's speech on the National Mall on January 6 doused an already incendiary environment, culminating in a violent attack on the U.S. Capitol building. Trump's rhetorical incitements to violence extend to politicians, too. He has called his political opponents ' human scum.' Even more worrying are Trump's endorsements of violence against specific Democrats. In 2016, he suggested that maybe there was something that ' Second Amendment people ' could do to deal with Hillary Clinton. In October 2022, when a QAnon disciple who had peddled Trump's lies about the 2020 election attempted to assassinate then–Speaker of the House Nancy Pelosi—and fractured her husband's, Paul's, skull with a hammer—Trump made light of the incident. (His son Donald Trump Jr. posted a photo on Instagram of a hammer and a pair of underwear like the ones Paul Pelosi had been wearing during the attempted murder, with the caption: ' Got my Paul Pelosi Halloween costume ready.') Less than a year later, Trump openly mused that Mark Milley, the former chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff, should be killed. When such language becomes normalized, deranged individuals may interpret rhetoric as marching orders. In 2018, Cesar Sayoc, a die-hard Trump supporter, mailed 16 pipe bombs to people who frequently appeared as targets in Trump's tweets. (Nobody died, but only because Sayoc wasn't skilled at making bombs.) In 2020, Trump tweeted that people should 'LIBERATE MICHIGAN!' in response to its COVID policies. Thirteen days later, armed protesters entered the state capitol building. A right-wing plot to kidnap the governor, Gretchen Whitmer, was narrowly foiled months later. It also matters that Trump is one of the biggest vectors for spreading conspiracy theories and misinformation in the United States. When a major political figure disseminates lies about shadowy plots and treasonous acts carried out by the 'human scum' on the other side of the aisle, that can increase the likelihood of violence. (Several followers of QAnon, which Trump has repeatedly amplified himself, have carried out political violence based on the conspiracy theory.) Trump often makes a brief show of condemning political violence—as he has with the killings in Minnesota. While trying to play both the arsonist and the firefighter on social media, his actions in power make clear where his true loyalties lie, sending much stronger signals. One of his first official acts at the start of his second term was to pardon or grant clemency to people convicted for their involvement in the January 6 riots, including those who had violently attacked police officers and were targeting lawmakers. In recent weeks, Trump has floated the possibility of pardoning the far-right zealots who sought to kidnap Governor Whitmer in Michigan. The message is unmistakable: Use violence against my political opponents and there may be a pardon waiting. Joe Biden abused his pardon power to protect his son from tax-evasion charges. Donald Trump abused his pardon power to condone those who attacked cops and hoped to murder politicians. Both abuses were bad. But they are not the same. Trump, more than anyone, should be aware of the risks of political violence. After all, he narrowly escaped an assassin's bullet last summer. He would be dead, but for a gust of wind or a slightly different tilt of his head. But when that assassination attempt happened, Biden didn't mock it; Kamala Harris didn't float the idea of pardoning the assassin; and House Minority Leader Hakeem Jeffries hadn't previously mused that Trump should be executed, or that he was human scum, or that Jeffries would pay the bills of people who used violence against Republicans. Neither party has a monopoly on the risks of political violence. Democrats and Republicans in public office are targets who face credible threats in a hyper-polarized political climate. Likewise, supporters of Democrats and supporters of Republicans are both capable of carrying out political violence. (There have also been a small number of statements by Democrats that could be interpreted as incitements to violence, including some by Representatives Maxine Waters of California and Dan Goldman of New York. Goldman apologized for his phrasing the following day.) The difference is that only one party is led by someone who uses his megaphone to routinely normalize and absolve acts of political violence. There is overwhelming evidence of this asymmetric rhetoric between those in party leadership. The United States is a fraying society, torn apart by polarization, intense disagreement, and ratcheting extremism. Cheap weapons of mass murder are readily available. And into that tinder box, Trump adds incendiary rhetoric. We don't know when or where the deadly conflagration will strike next, but more flames will no doubt come. We may still be shocked by tragic acts of political violence like the assassination in Minnesota, but we can no longer feign surprise.


San Francisco Chronicle
5 hours ago
- San Francisco Chronicle
‘Luigi the Musical' is the most talked-about play in S.F. It's also terrible
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New York Post
5 hours ago
- New York Post
Disgraced ex-pol Anthony Weiner heads crowded field of NYC Council candidates heading into June 24 primary
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I haven't run in a while, and I am running as a different kind of candidate.' The once-rising Democratic star told The Post he's 'not hiding' from his past and insists most voters haven't made it an issue on the campaign trail and that hopes his experience as an elected official will put him over the top. Still, he conceded the comeback bid won't be easy – especially in his uber-liberal district where he's running as a 'practical common-sense Democrat in a time that the party has lost its way.' He said his competitors – which include Assemblyman Harvey Epstein (D-Manhattan) and ex-Mayor Bill de Blasio aide and nonprofit leader Sarah Batchu – are too 'far left,' so he's banking on voters seeking more moderate leadership. 4 Weiner believes Assemblyman Harvey Epstein is too far left for most voters. 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Wills was bounced from the Council in 2017 after being found guilty in a corruption trial of stealing more than $30,000 in public funds, but the conviction was overturned four years ago. The Council voted to expel King in 2020 following a series of ethics charges alleging he misused government funds and mistreated his staff. Cabrera, an influential pastor who served as Mayor Eric Adams $227,786-a-year senior spiritual advisor from 2022 through mid-2023, came under fire repeatedly while a councilman the previous 12 years for making numerous anti-gay remarks, including praising the notoriously homophobic government of Uganda. 4 The race between Inna Vernikov and Ari Kagan has been nasty. Paul Martinka In Brooklyn's 48th District that includes Sheepshead Bay, incumbent Inna Vernikov is trying to fend off a challenge from ex-Councilman Ari Kagan in the Republican primary. The race has been nasty — despite both being ideologically indistinguishable, including vowing to fight to improve public safety, keep homeless shelters out of the district and combat antisemitism and illegal dumping., Kagan has boasted he's a 'harder worker' than Vernikov, who he ripped as an 'absentee councilwoman.' Vernikov says Kagan is a fraud — a Democrat at heart based on his voting record. Both candidates were previously Dems. 4 Kagan has painted Vernikov as an absentee official. Gabriella Bass As a councilwoman, Vernikov has been a lead voice for Zionists combating antisemitism since the start of the Israel-Hamas War, helped remove homeless encampments plaguing her district and has fought to preserve neighborhood parking access despite the city pushing an anti-car agenda. Her key endorsements include the city's police officers, correction officers and firefighters unions and Rep. Elise Stefanik (R-NY) Kagan, who works as a senior advisor to state Sen. Steve Chan (R-Brooklyn), is being endorsed by Assemblymen Michael Novakhov and Alec Brook-Krasny, who represent parts of southern Brooklyn. Other incumbents facing tough primary fights include Brooklyn Democrats Shahana Hanif and Alexa Aviles, both card carrying members of the Democratic Socialists of America, and fellow lefty Chris Marte of Lower Manhattan. The far-left, pro-Palestine Hanif began bending over backwards to show support for Jews earlier this year after momentum in her district that includes Park Slope continued to grow for her Jewish opponent Maya Kornberg, who works at NYU's Brennan Center. Hanif was singing a different tune before the primary challenge emerged. In April 2023, she was one of just two council members to vote against an 'End Jew Hatred Day' resolution — calling it a 'far right' idea. And in the days after Hamas' Oct. 7, 2023 terror attack on Israel, Hanif insisted in a since-deleted post on X 'the root cause of this war is the illegal, immoral, and unjust occupation of the Palestinian people,' and that 'no peace' should be expected. Although the scores of NYC Council candidates have raised more than $18 million combined in private and public matching funds for their respective races, the Council isn't expected to look significantly different next year with only eight races wide open because of term-limits and many incumbents running unopposed or against political novices.