'Sanctions don't scare us': Russia's Lavrov fires back at Trump's 'end war in 50 days, or' threats
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Deccan Herald
22 minutes ago
- Deccan Herald
India's balancing act in a polarised world
The recent NATO Summit in The Hague witnessed the new dawn of realism, prominently led by United States President Donald Trump and followed silently by most European partners. With a commitment to 'invest 5 per cent of GDP annually towards defence — and security-related spending by 2025', it is clear that NATO is concerned about the US' security and economic Spain has taken a tough stance by announcing to spend only 2.1% of its GDP on military, followed closely by Belgium seeking 'maximum flexibility' in meeting NATO's revised spending target. Experts point out how the 2025 NATO Declaration bluntly made no mention of 'protection and preserving the rules-based international order as laid down by the UN Charter' — a norm noticed in earlier declarations. Although security-related issues are embedded within the NATO discourse, diplomatic endeavours need to factor in aspects of inclusive growth, shared prosperity, and collective multilateral order — an element noticed in its previous iterations.A look at global outlay on defence reflects a steady increase in spending capacities of the nations. For instance, in 2024, military spending globally rose by 9.4% in real terms, amounting to $2,718 billion. This also happens to mark the tenth consecutive year of an increased global defence budget. The US, China, and Russia top the list, with India in fourth position, as per the Stockholm International Peace Research Institute (SIPRI) Military Expenditure India, its defence capabilities are gradually expanding by way of industrial reforms, modernising armed forces, and strengthening the native defence production to meet not only its domestic needs but also for bolstering exports. Spending almost 2.3% of its GDP on defence, India allocated about $75 billion in its Union Budget geopolitical strife across the globe, including in its own backyard with terrorist strikes in Pahalgam in April, has perceptibly compelled New Delhi to focus its energies on enhancing self-reliance in military preparedness. Yet technological innovations, R&D development, and leveraging investment towards military infrastructure depend largely on a nation's fiscal framework and its strategic cordial, yet careful, stance away from a NATO membership is rooted in its historical foreign policy of non-alignment and maintaining its strategic autonomy. Instead of depending on any military alliance to aid its external security, India chooses to safeguard its borders flexibly, depending on the fast-changing regional and global in the face of increased global defence spending, development is naturally experiencing a stress test at the international scale. Talks of climate adaptation, building health resilience, energy transition and ensuring holistic sustainable development are gradually coming under intense strain. As such, Agenda 2030 appears to be in a tensions have visibly created ruptures in the global security architecture resulting in a fractured community. Real needs of the vulnerable, such as access to clean energy, nutritious food, and good health is a pivotal target for a majority of the low-income and least-developed countries. But at the same time, securing one's territorial integrity, sovereignty, and maintaining strategic autonomy is heavily reliant on cutting-edge military equipment and defence multilateral forums like the G20 and BRICS pushing forward the socio-economic development agenda of the Global South and attempting to establish a counterforce to the existing Western institutions, ensuring smooth international order is a persistent challenge. In this sense, threats by Trump to impose extra tariffs on the BRICS countries yet again underscore the economic realism aimed at capturing the currency market in global supply by both NATO and non-NATO countries alike, global spending trends on defence possibly enforce the reprioritisation of security over development. Yet it's a catch-22 situation. As one of the prominent partners and fastest-growing economies in the world, the big question remains — is India ready to deal with the economic trade-offs associated with welfare and larger developmental targets and defence spending?Swati Prabhu is Associate Fellow at the Observer Research Foundation.
India Today
22 minutes ago
- India Today
Army to get 7,000 more 'Made in Amethi' AK-203 rifles in 2-3 weeks
In a major boost to the Army's firepower, it is set to receive the next batch of 7,000 Kalashnikov AK-203 rifles in the next 2-3 weeks, sources said. The Army received 35,000 of these rifles, being manufactured under a joint Indo-Russian venture in Uttar Pradesh's Amethi, in additional one lakh units are set to be delivered in 2026. The Indo-Russian Rifles Private Limited (IRRPL) said it was meeting the timelines and 100% indigenisation would be achieved by the end of this Army is phasing out the decades-old INSAS rifle in favour of the AK-203, a Russian-origin assault AK-203 RIFLES BRING TO THE TABLE The AK-203, a modernised version of the legendary Kalashnikov series, not only has superior accuracy, its improved ergonomics and adaptability make it ideal for counterterrorism operations and high-altitude signed a contract with Russia in July 2021 worth Rs 5,000 crore for over 6 lakh AK-203 rifles, which are to be manufactured in the country with technology transfer from production of the rifles officially commenced in January upgradation has been fast-tracked in light of India's twin threats along the Line of Actual Control (LAC) with China and persistent cross-border activities from rifles have also seen export enquiries from African and Middle Eastern countries. "The demand for the AK-203 has surged, especially in regions where Russian arms have long been the preferred choice," a defence official told India Today.- EndsTrending Reel
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First Post
22 minutes ago
- First Post
Nato chief targets India for buying Russian oil, but the money Europe wires to Putin exceeds Ukraine aid
Even as Nato chief Mark Rutte has warned India, China, and Brazil about the purchase of Russian oil, the fact remains that European nations —29 of 32 Nato members are from Europe— have given more money for energy imports than they have given Ukraine in aid. read more Nato chief Mark Rutte has warned India about purchasing Russian oil, but the fact remains that European nations has given more money to Russia for energy imports than they have given to Ukraine in aid. Since the Russian invasion of Ukraine in 2022, India has been ramped up the purchase of discounted Russian oil. As Russian energy exports are central to the country's economy, and President Vladimir Putin's war-waging capabilities, many Western leaders and commentators have frequently criticised India. STORY CONTINUES BELOW THIS AD Rutte said, 'My encouragement to these three countries, particularly is, if you live now in Beijing, or in Delhi, or you are the president of Brazil, you might want to take a look into this, because this might hit you very hard. So please make the phone call to Vladimir Putin and tell him that he has to get serious about peace talks, because otherwise this will slam back on Brazil, on India and on China in a massive way.' The fact, however, is that European and Nato members continue to large buyers of Russian energy exports even as Rutte singled out in India and China. For example, since 2022, the EU has been the largest buyer of Russian liquified natural gas (51 per cent) and pipeline gas (37 per cent) and Turkey —a Nato member— has been the largest buyer of Russian oil products (26 per cent), according to the Centre for Research on Energy and Clean Air (CREA). EU has given Russia more money than Ukraine Even as Western officials and commentators have singled out India over Russian energy imports, the fact remains that Europe has given more money to Russia for energy imports than it has given to Ukraine to in aid. In 2024, EU members bought €21.9 billion ($25.4 billion) of Russian oil and gas compared to €18.7 billion ($21.69 billion) that they allocated in aid for Ukraine, according to estimates from the CREA. Vaibhav Raghunandan, an analyst at CREA, told Guardian, 'Purchasing Russian fossil fuels is, quite plainly, akin to sending financial aid to the Kremlin and enabling its invasion. [It's] a practice that must stop immediately to secure not just Ukraine's future, but also Europe's energy security.' Since 2022, estimates have said that the EU members have paid $215–235 billion to Russian for oil, gas, and coal, compared to $200 billion that they have allocated and pledged for aid to Ukraine. STORY CONTINUES BELOW THIS AD Europe's dependence on Russian oil and gas is not going to end anytime soon despite cuts in imports since 2022. The EU has proposed to end Russian oil imports by the end of 2027 and gas by January 2028.
