
Zohran Mamdani has unleashed a political earthquake
The surprise electoral success of Zohran Mamdani, the 33-year-old democratic socialist running to be mayor of New York, the most prominent city on earth, is a political earthquake. The breadth and scope of his performance were predicted by no polls, no prognosticators, none of the wise men. The ramifications of this upset will be felt for years, across the US and the developed world.
In the end, it wasn't even close. Mamdani's widespread appeal represents the total collapse of a Democratic party establishment that had weathered Donald Trump's first term with rhetorical resistance, and fumbled the beginning of the second with triangulating appeasement. This year, the favorability of the Democratic party has collapsed to record lows, not because of the popularity of the Trump administration or the Republican party, but because of its unpopularity with its own voters. Chuck Schumer caving to the president on an unpopular and devastating Republican spending bill was the last straw for many. The Democratic party and the resistance to Trump had been severed for the first time.
There's anger across the country with its leadership, Democratic and Republican, in cities, suburbs and rural areas. According to Americans, things are not going well. Prices are up, wages are down and instability is at an all-time high. Nowhere is this more true than in our biggest city, New York, where the moderate Democratic mayor, Eric Adams, made a quid pro quo deal to keep himself out of prison on corruption charges in exchange for enforcing Trump's policies in a city where Trump had minimal political support.
Enter Mamdani. Many major cities in the US, in recent years, had a two-party system, not between Democrats and Republicans, but between centrist Democrats and their progressive flank. The US, like all polities, has many organized political groupings, but due to byzantine electoral laws, only two official ones exist - the state-administered ballot lines. Nowhere is this more true than in New York, the crown jewel of the electoral socialist left in the United States for more than a century.
Mamdani is the progeny of the Democratic Socialists of America (DSA), the US's largest socialist organization in a century. He is among the many young people inspired by Bernie Sanders' 2016 presidential campaign. The staying power of that campaign has asserted itself over the years. Most of the talented organizers and thinkers whom it shaped were in college or their early 20s. They were never going to stop being socialists. They just needed seasoning.
Mamdani got involved in the DSA as a young man and honed his skills leading campaigns in the nearly all-volunteer organization. He has spent most of his adult life as a DSA organizer. After the New York City DSA had built sufficient infrastructure and he had learned the necessary skills, he was able to win election to the state assembly in 2020. But to Mamdani, democratic socialism isn't an identity or a set of principles. It is being part of and accountable to a democratic organization, the sort of working-class civil society that has atrophied in this country, but at one time built the backbone of the welfare state across western society and lent the muscle to the New Deal.
Mamdani and the DSA cannot be separated. It's a different, and for many Americans new, but a deeply old way of thinking about politics. Political organizations represent different classes, which are necessarily in conflict. To win for your class, you must be a representative of working-class democracy.
Mamdani was built by the DSA and the young leftwing milieu that emerged after the Sanders campaign. They cannot be separated. Not his charisma or campaign style. He is a product of the movement.
His victory and its comprehensive level are shocking to nearly all. How did he do it? Combining new and old tactics. Mamdani had perhaps the most innovative social media campaign in American political history. Not jumping on tired memes, but showcasing his authenticity. He also borrowed old tactics. Mamdani harnessed the sort of retail diaspora politics that have always won in the world's most diverse city. He campaigned in dozens of languages, met leaders from ethnic groups from around the world and sold his vision in the style of Fiorello LaGuardia. This way, he was able to harness both the insurgent left, often caricatured as downwardly mobile, overly educated and overwhelmingly white, and the worldwide working-class diaspora that shapes the neighborhoods of New York.
As he climbed the polls through steady mass organization, almost linearly, he began to face ever-increasing, and horrifying, attacks from capital and the powers that be, to the tune of a record $25m in outside spending. The one they homed in on was one that had been proven to take down leftwing leaders across the world, such as Jeremy Corbyn: antisemitism. All social justice-minded people are horrified by antisemitism, an ancient hatred. It's an accusation that would make anyone on the left, anyone of conscience, take notice. For this reason, used in a spurious way, it was an insidious attack that could break the left. However, in this election, the baseless smear backfired.
There are several reasons for this. The first is overuse. It's quite blatant to continually accuse obviously deeply compassionate and humanistic people of an evil hatred without evidence. No one believes friendly and understanding social democrats in a secular urban milieu are pogromists or jihadists (despite nasty Islamophobic baiting about Mamdani's background), for obvious reasons.
The second is the actual circumstances. Most accusations of antisemitism on the left have little or nothing to do with actual overt discrimination or hatred; they are almost entirely based on opinion of the state of Israel. As Israel continues its genocide of Palestinians and long-term eliminationist and revanchist ambitions, and ties itself closer to the far right in the US, Democratic voters in the US have made the rapid and historic transition to sympathizing with Palestinians over Israel by a nearly 3-1 margin. Even last year, this issue and money could win Democratic primaries. No longer.
Lastly, Mamdani is in many ways a continuation of the Jewish left tradition in the United States. New York has long been the home of the most powerful electoral socialist left in the United States. The base for the Socialist party of America (SPA) or the American Labor party, many-time electoral winners, was the Jewish community. Jews in New York voted in the hundreds of thousands for socialists for decades. These are the same policies of so-called 'sewer socialism' (in which socialists ran cities like Milwaukee and boasted of excellent sewer systems), the same parties (DSA being the direct inheritor of the SPA), the same tradition and even the same neighborhoods as a century ago. The foundation of the American left. An unbroken line. Mamdani is the inheritor of the tradition of Baruch Vladeck, and of the socialists and trade unions that built New York. Even the membership of DSA and the staff of his campaign reflect this.
So, how did Mamdani win support? He brought back class as the defining issue of politics. Class as a political divide has declined across the industrialized world for decades, beginning in the US. While Sanders reinjected a class message and a degree of class polarization back within the Democratic coalition, there were still shortcomings. Bernie did worse among Black voters across class. And Bernie and other democratic socialists relied heavily on the good graces of socially progressive upper-middle-class professionals, rendering socialists subordinate to or in coalition with their interests and organizations. After nearly a decade of work by the left, this class polarization seemed uncrackable. Until now.
Mamdani underachieved compared with prior leftwing candidates in professional progressive areas like the Upper West Side. But he smashed through the racial barrier that had divided the working class. Few expected this before the votes rolled in. His base would be downwardly mobile white professionals, of course. But his clear message and innovative campaign brought back real class politics, of the kind that seemed a myth in the contemporary age.
According to the New York Times, Mamdani did better with voters of color than with white voters. While he shed reliably progressive votes among the Times-reading, machine-hating liberals of Manhattan, he won them back many times over among working-class people of color who had never taken a second look at leftist candidates before. In this, he reversed nearly 30 years of anti-materialist political science theories.
This may seem like something confined to New York City, a progressive bastion in a deep blue state. But it points a path forward for the left and for advocates of social justice and liberatory politics. Donald Trump's most shocking and profound gains in 2024 came among young voters, particularly men, Latino voters, Asian voters and urban voters in general. These are the exact demographics that came out in droves for Mamdani.
The left has long shirked its responsibility to fight the far right, leaving it to the center as if the political spectrum were a rigorously enforced line rather than a fluid concept. But the center failed. And they sacrificed these demographics to Trump because these masses were fed up with the status quo. The center could never win them back. But the radical left actually could, through a targeted, economic, anti-establishment message. Mamdani's campaign did it, and brought people back from the far right on a massive scale, more than any anti-Trump rally could. In this way, campaigns like Mamdani's are actively practicing anti-fascism in a real way, by winning the targets of the right back to the left.
The left needs to study this shocking election and take thorough notes. The first is that Mamdani was a product of real, organic, working-class organization in the DSA. The kind that has been dying out in this country for half a century and is disregarded by most. This lack of organization is the defining feature of our political time. The only way to the future is more people in the DSA, more people in unions, more people in civic organizations and the rebuilding of working-class community. Our institutions are hollow, but Mamdani and his 50,000 youthful volunteers are proof that they can be rebuilt, and that people yearn to do so.
In 2017, a DSA organizer and philosopher named Michael Kinnucan said: 'US civic culture is so hollowed out at the grassroots level that in any city in the US if your organization can get 40 to 50 committed people in a room occasionally you're probably operating one of the five or six most potentially powerful grassroots organizations in your city.'
This idea was foundational to DSA, especially in New York City, and shaped Mamdani. For many, it seemed a fantasy. Five hundred thousand votes later, across nearly every language and nationality in the world, it's a warning. To defeat the right, the left must learn from Mamdani and the DSA and rebuild mass working-class organization. Sure, charisma helps, but at its core, this win was an eight-year project that must be replicated everywhere if we are to defeat fascism and stop the worst horrors of the climate crisis. Mamdani is an Obama-level political talent, but most of all he is a call to return to real working-class organization. This is something the hollow entities of the Democratic or Republican parties could never defeat, and something they learned on Tuesday night.
Ben Davis works in political data in Washington DC. He worked on the data team for the Bernie Sanders 2020 campaign
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Shit is thrown on stage all the time. If I'm supposed to know every fucking thing that's thrown on stage' – in this case a Hezbollah flag – 'I'd be in Mensa, Jesus Christ,' says Ó hAnnaidh. 'I don't know every proscribed organisation – I've got enough shit to worry about up there. I'm thinking about my next lyric, my next joke, the next drop of a beat.' And the 'dead Tory' comments? 'Why should I regret it? It was a joke – we're playing characters, it's satirical, it's a fucking joke. And that's not the point,' he says. 'The point is, that [video] wasn't an issue until we said 'Free Palestine' at Coachella. That stuff happened 18 months ago, and nobody batted an eyelid. Everybody agreed it was a fucking joke, even people that may have been in the room that didn't agree – it's a laugh, we're all having a bit of craic. The point is, and the context is, it all [resurfaced] because of Coachella. That's what we should be questioning, not whether I regret things.' Kneecap's opponents, he says, 'went and combed through eight years of a career … they're really scraping the bottom of the barrel'. He says that they then 'took those videos out of context. If you believe that what a satirical band who play characters on stage do is more outrageous than the murdering of innocent Palestinians, then you need to give your head a fucking wobble.' To suggest that parts of Kneecap's performance are satire and others aren't is a tricky and potentially confusing line to walk. But Ó hAnnaidh argues the band don't risk undermining their activism by blurring these lines. 'It's not our job to tell people what's a joke and what's not. Our job is: we make music as a band. We are going to have political messaging in our songs – it's not for us to dissect it for other people. Take what you want from it, but we're not going to change in that way.' Kneecap have granted only one interview prior to their Glastonbury performance, and over the course of an hour-long video call – Ó hAnnaidh, and DJ Próvai, AKA JJ Ó Dochartaigh, speaking from Lurgan, and Móglaí Bap, AKA Naoise Ó Cairealláin, from his home in Belfast – all stay staunchly on message. The controversy surrounding them, they reiterate, is not the story – Gaza is. 'We're a distraction, to take away [attention] from what's happening in Palestine, especially for our generation of people who are always on our phones,' says Ó Cairealláin. 'It's all being livestreamed – you can never say you didn't know what's happening in Palestine, and that's why they want to bog us down and go through old videos. Over 100 people were killed in the last four days – that's the real story.' He alleges that the US and the UK 'are complicit in this genocide' on the grounds that each country has sent military supplies to Israel, and that Israel's supporters are targeting the band because they want to move the news 'away from the arms support'. Kneecap say that resistance is in their blood. Ó hAnnaidh and Ó Cairealláin are from west Belfast, while Ó Dochartaigh is from Derry; rapping in Irish is a way, they say, to reclaim a sense of Irish identity that the British attempted to stamp out. While they satirically self-identify as 'Republican hoods' and 'Fenian cunts' in their cartoonish, lewd music, their message is less republican than it is anticolonial and anti-sectarian. Kneecap advocate for peace between unionists and republicans – 'the people on the 'other side' aren't our enemy … we're all working-class', Ó hAnnaidh told the Face last year – and train their fury towards the 800 years of British rule in Ireland. Because of this, as well as their frequent references to drugs, the group have been criticised by unionist and republican advocates alike, as well as by Kemi Badenoch last year, who, when serving as UK business secretary, tried to block Kneecap from receiving a government-funded Music Export Growth Scheme grant because they 'oppose the United Kingdom'. Kneecap won a subsequent discrimination lawsuit against the British government, and donated the grant money to Protestant and Catholic youth organisations in Northern Ireland. This week, the band released The Recap, a furious, gloating diss track aimed at Badenoch, in which they describe the grant money as reparations. It was around the time Kneecap sued the government that they caught the attention of Hasan Piker, a streamer and political commentator who the New York Times recently termed 'a Joe Rogan of the left' due to his enormous platform and influence (he is one of the most viewed streamers on Twitch). He describes Kneecap to me as 'uncompromising and unyielding in their commitment to anti-imperialism'. After it was announced that Kneecap's second Coachella set wouldn't be livestreamed, he offered to stream the show on his Twitch channel, which has more than 2.9m followers. 'I'm always impressed when I see anyone in the western world share this kind of sentiment,' he says. 'At no point did I feel like they were fearful or anything like that … their advocacy is about putting humanity first.' Kneecap's rise has been steady since they debuted in 2017, and was bolstered by last year's release of a self-titled Bafta-winning comedy film about their origins, starring Michael Fassbender and the group themselves. Politics aside, the music itself is a riot: bawdy and whip-smart, animated by ferocious beats, deftly slipping between trenchant political commentary and dazed odes to the joys of substance use. But it's their anticolonial stance that has secured them legions of fans in places such as Aotearoa (New Zealand) and Australia, where they played to 10,000 fans at a free gig in Melbourne earlier this year. That stance is also why the band advocate so fiercely for Palestine, which they say they have been doing since they began making music. 'Eight-hundred years of colonialism, it obviously does things to people up to the point where I don't think the Irish people are willing to stand on the sidelines any more. The Irish people aren't willing to let something like a genocide pass by without comment,' says Ó hAnnaidh, and in general, Irish artists – Kneecap, as well as peers such as Lankum, Fontaines DC and Sprints – have been more vocal about the Palestinian cause than British or American acts. 'If we lose a few quid, we lose a bit of clout in a certain space, we don't care – we know we're doing the right thing, we know we're on the right side of history.' Israel has been carrying out a full-scale military campaign on occupied Gaza for almost two years, an onslaught triggered by Hamas's 7 October 2023 attack on southern Israel, in which about 1,200 people were killed. The UN has found Israel's military actions to be consistent with genocide, while Amnesty International and others have claimed Israel has shown an 'intent to destroy' the Palestinian people. At least 56,000 Palestinians are now missing or dead, with studies at Yale and other universities suggesting the official tolls are being underestimated. (In July 2024, the Lancet medical journal estimated the true death toll at that point could be more than 186,000.) But away from Kneecap and other outspoken artists, across the creative industries as a whole relatively few have spoken about Gaza in such stark terms. 'The genocide in Palestine is a big reason we're getting such big crowds at our gigs, because we are willing to put that message out there,' says Ó hAnnaidh. 'Mainstream media has been trying to suppress that idea about the struggle in Palestine. People are looking at us as, I don't know, a beacon of hope in some way – that this message will not be suppressed. The music is one thing, but the message is a big part of why we're getting across.' As working-class, early-career musicians, Kneecap have a lot more to lose by speaking out than more prominent artists, but Ó Cairealláin says this is beside the point. 'You can get kind of bogged down talking about the people who aren't talking enough or doing enough, but for us, it's about talking about Palestine instead of pointing fingers,' he says. 'There's no doubt that there's a lot of bands out there who could do a lot more, but hopefully just spreading awareness and being vocal and being unafraid will encourage them.' Ó Dochartaigh adds: 'We just want to stop people being murdered. There's people starving to death, people being bombed every day. That's the stuff we need to talk about, not fucking artists.' There's no doubt that Kneecap's fearlessness when it comes to speaking about Palestine is a key part of their appeal for many: during a headline set at London's Wide Awake festival last month, days after Ó hAnnaidh was charged for support of a terror organisation, an estimated 22,000 people chanted along with their calls of 'free, free Palestine'. And thousands showed up to their Coachella sets – which the band allege is why so many pro-Israel groups were quick to push back on them, despite the fact that they had been displaying pro-Palestine messages for such a long time. 'We knew exactly that this was going to happen, maybe not to the extreme [level] that it has, but we knew that the Israeli lobbyists and the American government weren't going to stand by idly while we spoke to thousands of young Americans who agree with us,' says Ó hAnnaidh. 'They don't want us coming to the American festivals, because they don't want videos of young Americans chanting 'free Palestine' [even though] that is the actual belief in America. They just want to suppress it.' The support for the message, says Ó Dochartaigh is 'all genders, all religions, all colours, all creeds. Everybody knows what's happening is wrong. You can't even try to deny it now – Israel's government is just acting with impunity and getting away with it. Us speaking out is a small detail – it's the world's governments that need to do something about it.' Last week, Ó hAnnaidh made an appearance at Westminster magistrates court, during which he was unconditionally bailed with a hearing set for 20 August. Kneecap's defence team, which includes criminal defence lawyer Gareth Peirce, who represented the Birmingham Six and the Guildford Four, has argued that the charge against Ó hAnnaidh was made after the six-month period in which such a terrorism offence would fall under the court's jurisdiction. Hundreds of protesters – including Paul Weller – gathered at the entrance to the court, holding aloft Palestine flags and signs that said 'Free Mo Chara'; a van, emblazoned with the slogan 'More Blacks, More Dogs, More Irish, Mo Chara,' circled the block periodically. Rob and Kathleen, an older couple from Hayling Island, had shown up to 'defend free speech, to support people who protest about genocide in Gaza,' said Rob. 'We're also here to support young people,' Kathleen added. 'Old people have made a real mess of this world, and we are very sorry, and hopefully young people can get us out of this mess.' When asked by the BBC on Wednesday about Kneecap's appearance at Glastonbury, festival organiser Emily Eavis said 'we remain a platform for many, many artists … everyone is welcome here'. But there is still considerable opposition to their Saturday afternoon set. Earlier this week, Starmer said it wasn't 'appropriate' for the band to perform at the festival, while Badenoch said the BBC 'should not be rewarding extremism' by televising the band's set. (A BBC spokesperson told the Guardian that 'whilst the BBC doesn't ban artists, our plans will ensure that our programming will meet our editorial guidelines'.) And, earlier in the month, a leak exposed a letter sent to the organisers of Glastonbury in which a number of music industry heavyweights ask the festival to 'question the wisdom of continuing to have [Kneecap] on the lineup'. The letter was signed by top agents from major live music agencies. That the letter wasn't published publicly is a form of vindication for the trio, says Ó Cairealláin. 'The fact that the letter was leaked changes things,' adds Ó hAnnaidh. 'And I hope that these people regret it. I think they're already starting to.' Kneecap play Glastonbury's West Holts stage at 4pm on Saturday.