
Reevaluating Ayyubid-Mamluk pottery: New insights into continuities in early Islamic ceramics
A Mamluk ceramic jar made around 1450 (Photo of Chris Holmes)
AMMAN — In the past it was thought that Ayyubid-Mamluk pottery was completely different from preceding Early Islamic pottery because of changes in manufacture and decoration.
Recently, scholars understood that some of these changes were out-growths of the preceding period. Brown said that there is enough current evidence to suggest radical change that characterise Ayyubid-Mamluk assemblages can in fact be traced to development within the Early Islamic period.
Some of the sites currently associated with the Late Islamic period pottery culture in Transjordan include: Ajloun, Al-Lajiua Al Rujurn Al Wuayra, Amman, Aqaba, 'Arair Caro'er,) Busrq Dayr' Allg Dhiban (Dibon), Fayfatr (Feifeh), Iraq Al Amir, Jerash, Khirbat Farys, Listib, Madaba Maqabalayn, Qalat Al Rabad, Abila, and many more.
The pottery of the Ayyubid-Mamluk period was distinguished by a high percentage of handmade vessel forms and by a proliferation of painted geometric decorations, said historian Philip R. Drey, adding that this trend began in 11th and 12th centuries during Fatimid dynasty and Crusaders.
"From the Hellenistic through the Early Islamic periods the dichotomy between wheel-thrown vessels, which constituted the majority of ceramics and hand-made vessels was primarily functional. Large vats, basins, and storage jars tended to be hand-constructed, while virtually all other household ceramics were wheel-thrown," Drey underlined.
The historian added that during the Ayyubid -Mamluk period this coexistence of wheel-thrown and hand -constructed ceramics continued, yet there were changes in both the proportion and kinds of vessels manufactured with these techniques.
In contrast to the previously established trend handmade pottery heavily dominated Ayyubid-Mamluk assemblages, while wheel-thrown wares play a much lesser role. Further contrast is emphasised by the fact that the same general repertoire of forms was produced by both technologies.
"Thus, by the inception of the l3th century, the association between manufacturing techniques and specific vessel forms, which had long characterised ceramic vessel manufacture in southern Levant, is no longer evident," Drey said.
The pottery assemblage of the Ayyubid-Mamluk period can best be described by first dividing the corpus into wheel made and handmade technologies (and in some cases, mold made), then continuing with further description as done in the previous period characterisations.
"Four types of wheel made wares have been identified: glazed ware, plain ware, plain industrial ware and Sgraffito ware," Drey said, noting that wheel made ware colours included light-coloured wares, mostly buffor pink tones, and red wares.
The hard, thin, red, glaze-covered Sgraffito ware included designs carved through a light slip into the darker clay surface below.
A large percentage of Ayyubid-Mamluk vessels were handmade, sometimes using pieces of cloth in the production process. Rudimentary construction techniques included coiling and partial use of rotational devices. Modelling with clay slabs was more a common technique, especially in making painted closed forms, Drey underlined.
"In general, firing quality during the Ayyubid-Mamluk period was medium. Cores sometimes occurred. Glazed ware vessels were evenly fired," Drey said, noting that the firing of handmade vessels varied widely: some poor and some excellent, but the majority were well fired although a core was sometimes present.
'Due to changes in manufacturing technique as well as surface treatment, on close examination much of the Ayyubid-Mamluk pottery looked very different from that of the preceding period,' Drey underlined.

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Jordan Times
20-04-2025
- Jordan Times
Scholar calls for ‘deeper' use of Ottoman tax registers in Mamluk archaeology
AMMAN — The archaeology of the Mamluk period, as practiced today, is a form of historical archaeology heavily informed by anthropological models, noted an American professor. One methodological development of the last decade has been in the engagement with the written record. The combination of written and material sources is the greatest challenge of any archaeology of historical periods, particularly so with the Mamluk period, which produced a wealth of texts, Professor Bethany Walker said, adding that many excavations and survey reports now include an explanation, however brief, of how historical sources are used. There has been a very gradual shift from dependence on texts for interpreting archaeological data to creating a dialogue between the two in ways that inform project design, the professor said. Because written sources and archaeological data answer different sets of questions about human behaviour and can differ in chronological scale of inquiry, they can and should be used in tandem to write a multi-faceted history of Mamluk societies, Walker explained. 'In short, one data set can inform the other. the challenge is to decide which kinds of sources are most appropriate to the subject at hand and to write a coherent, analytical narrative that uses them in complement with one another," Walker highlighted. The professor added that archaeologists of the Mamluk period ('Middle Islamic' period in archaeological terminology) have generally relied on written sources that are geographically and chronologically useful and readily available in print form (and frequently translated into European languages). Narrative sources (primarily chronicles and geographies) and administrative manuals that help identify sites and provide a historical framework for their physical development. When used responsibly, such sources, in combination with archaeological evidence, can produce a rich narrative of Mamluk history. "What has been largely missing is an engagement with contemporary documentary sources. One notable exception is the early Ottoman tax registers (singular, daftar-imufassal) of the ninth/sixteenth century.' 'During the first century of Ottoman rule in Syria, many elements of the Mamluks' administration in the region were retained, including the general administrative structure, some personnel, and many of the larger landed endowments [awqāf]," Walker underlined. The registers document anticipated income from taxable commodities, though not actual taxes collected, and describe in some detail the status of rural property, whether a settled village (qaryah), a village formerly settled but now abandoned (kharāb), a piece of cultivated land (such as a garden, qiṭʿah), or a tract of cultivated land not associated with a village (mazraʿah). Tax-liable commodities (summer crops, winter crops, livestock, processed agricultural goods and animal by-products such as honey, endowments) are listed along with their estimated revenues, Walker elaborated. Specific references to land tenure and use, along with incidental information, such as how a plot of land was acquired and what its access was to water, are occasionally included. the registers, moreover, are organised according by tax districts, yielding important details on the administrative structure of the region. The registers of 1534, 1538–39, 1551–52 and 1596– 97 are preserved in manuscript form, and from these several segments have been published for Palestine and Jordan. The majority of the publications are in Turkish with Arabic summary and commentary; 11 the most widely cited one, though, is in English. "Unfortunately, these sources have not been used as fully as they could be: The general trend has been to look up an individual site name and determine whether the place was inhabited and its land continued to be cultivated after Ottoman annexation. The registers, however, yield much more important place specific data than this," Walker said. The professor added that the estimated number of households in each location is included and the dhimmīs liable for the jizyah are mentioned in each entry of a qaryah. Although the numbers are not reliable for population statistics, they do reflect the religious composition of villages, a demographic characteristic that is not readily recognisable in the archaeological record. the registers note, though inconsistently, abandoned villages, the location of roads and waterways, and the existence of facilities such as mills. 'In spite of this, their potential for studying environmental and land use has not been realised. Furthermore, because the Ottomans taxed many landed awqāf at a rate of 10 per cent, endowments made during Mamluk rule that were retained as such by the Ottoman state are also named in the registers," Walker underlined. The professor added that in many cases these are the only references we have to these local endowments of grain fields, orchards, and gardens, as they have not been thus far identified in Mamluk-era waqfīyāt or chronicles. They attest to the continued economic viability of agricultural land in the region and provide invaluable data on cropping patterns during the transition from Mamluk to Ottoman rule; the value of this data has been largely overlooked, Walker underlined.


Jordan Times
23-03-2025
- Jordan Times
Reevaluating Ayyubid-Mamluk pottery: New insights into continuities in early Islamic ceramics
A Mamluk ceramic jar made around 1450 (Photo of Chris Holmes) AMMAN — In the past it was thought that Ayyubid-Mamluk pottery was completely different from preceding Early Islamic pottery because of changes in manufacture and decoration. Recently, scholars understood that some of these changes were out-growths of the preceding period. Brown said that there is enough current evidence to suggest radical change that characterise Ayyubid-Mamluk assemblages can in fact be traced to development within the Early Islamic period. Some of the sites currently associated with the Late Islamic period pottery culture in Transjordan include: Ajloun, Al-Lajiua Al Rujurn Al Wuayra, Amman, Aqaba, 'Arair Caro'er,) Busrq Dayr' Allg Dhiban (Dibon), Fayfatr (Feifeh), Iraq Al Amir, Jerash, Khirbat Farys, Listib, Madaba Maqabalayn, Qalat Al Rabad, Abila, and many more. The pottery of the Ayyubid-Mamluk period was distinguished by a high percentage of handmade vessel forms and by a proliferation of painted geometric decorations, said historian Philip R. Drey, adding that this trend began in 11th and 12th centuries during Fatimid dynasty and Crusaders. "From the Hellenistic through the Early Islamic periods the dichotomy between wheel-thrown vessels, which constituted the majority of ceramics and hand-made vessels was primarily functional. Large vats, basins, and storage jars tended to be hand-constructed, while virtually all other household ceramics were wheel-thrown," Drey underlined. The historian added that during the Ayyubid -Mamluk period this coexistence of wheel-thrown and hand -constructed ceramics continued, yet there were changes in both the proportion and kinds of vessels manufactured with these techniques. In contrast to the previously established trend handmade pottery heavily dominated Ayyubid-Mamluk assemblages, while wheel-thrown wares play a much lesser role. Further contrast is emphasised by the fact that the same general repertoire of forms was produced by both technologies. "Thus, by the inception of the l3th century, the association between manufacturing techniques and specific vessel forms, which had long characterised ceramic vessel manufacture in southern Levant, is no longer evident," Drey said. The pottery assemblage of the Ayyubid-Mamluk period can best be described by first dividing the corpus into wheel made and handmade technologies (and in some cases, mold made), then continuing with further description as done in the previous period characterisations. "Four types of wheel made wares have been identified: glazed ware, plain ware, plain industrial ware and Sgraffito ware," Drey said, noting that wheel made ware colours included light-coloured wares, mostly buffor pink tones, and red wares. The hard, thin, red, glaze-covered Sgraffito ware included designs carved through a light slip into the darker clay surface below. A large percentage of Ayyubid-Mamluk vessels were handmade, sometimes using pieces of cloth in the production process. Rudimentary construction techniques included coiling and partial use of rotational devices. Modelling with clay slabs was more a common technique, especially in making painted closed forms, Drey underlined. "In general, firing quality during the Ayyubid-Mamluk period was medium. Cores sometimes occurred. Glazed ware vessels were evenly fired," Drey said, noting that the firing of handmade vessels varied widely: some poor and some excellent, but the majority were well fired although a core was sometimes present. 'Due to changes in manufacturing technique as well as surface treatment, on close examination much of the Ayyubid-Mamluk pottery looked very different from that of the preceding period,' Drey underlined.


Jordan Times
18-03-2025
- Jordan Times
Iqlim Fahl: Strategic, agricultural hub in Mamluk-era Jordan
AMMAN — The Iqlim Fahl was one of the many districts that constituted the extensive Mamlakat Dimashq in Bilad Al Sham during the Mamluk period (1250/1263 – 1517 CE). The great size of this Mamlakah ('kingdom') reflected the enduring importance of Damascus in middle Islamic times, and in Jordan encompassed all of the territory north of the dominant Wadi Mujib, noted an Australian scholar. Under Mamluk administration, northern Jordan was subdivided into five principal regions as recorded in the geographical work of Dimashqi from 1327 and the detailed encyclopaedic reference compiled by the Egyptian polymath Al Qalqashandi (1346- 1418). These were in essence: 1) The Balqâ' region, which included the towns of Salt, 'Amman and Zarqa', all fortified under the Ayyubids; and also Hisbân, a town of sufficient importance to be the capital of the Balqa for a term; 2) The Jabal 'Awf region with the fortified town of 'Ajlun, the castle of which was built between 1188 and 1192, later extended in 1214/15; 3) The Sawad, and in particular the districts (iqlim) of Bayt Ras and Fahl; 4) The upper Ghawr with its principal town of Qusayr, modern North Shunah, seemingly equipped with a small fort; 5) The middle Ghawr around the town of 'Amata (modern Abu 'Ubaydah), the burial place of the conqueror of Bilad Al Sham and a Companion of the Prophet," Professor Alan Walmsley from the Macquarie University in Australia elaborated. Accordingly, the southern boundary of the Mamlakat Dimashq, where it adjoined the Mamlakat Karak, ran along, or just north of, the Wadî Mujib/Wadi Wala catchment, for Ziza (modern Jiza) seemingly functioned as a forward station for the Balqa and was equipped with a small but solid fort. 'The boundary continued south along the west side of the Dead Sea and the Wadi Arabah as the lower Ghawr belonged to Karak,' Walmsley stressed, adding that this administrative division, reflecting deeper socio-cultural differences, was not unusual for Jordan. 'The Wadi Mujib formed the divide between the Byzantine provinces of Arabia and Palaestina Tertia and re-surfaced in the Fatimid period as the boundary between Al Maqdisi's districts of Filasin and Al Sharah," Walmsley noted. At the centre of the Iqlim Fahl, and providing its name, was the settlement of Fahl, today officially known as Tabaqat Fahl (ancient Pella). Fahl is an ancient site, continuously occupied since the Neolithic period (from c. 6000 BC), with particularly extensive preserved remains from the Bronze and Iron Ages (roughly 2ndand 1stmillennium BC), the Hellenistic period (3rd -1stfirst centuries BC) the Byzantine–early Islamic periods (5th -9thcenturies CE), and later Islamic periods notably Ayyûbid and Mamlûk. The middle Islamic name of Fahl, originally Fihl in Umayyad and 'Abbâsid times (but without meaning in Arabic, as noted by Al Ya'qûbi, hence the change), stems from the ancient Semitic name of Pahil, and the continuity of this name over a minimum of four thousand years is indicative of the site's long settlement history. "Its historical significance was partly strategic, partly resource-based. Fahl straddled well-established communication routes that linked the Jordanian highlands with the Jordan Valley, especially Baysân, and from there roads continued eastwards along the easily transversed Marj ibn 'Amr to ports on the Mediterranean Sea," Walmsley elaborated. The professor added that Fahl served, then, as a traditional 'gateway' site between the coastal routes of Palestine and the highland roads that crossed Jordan. It also had — and still has — the decided advantage of excellent natural resources, especially productive agricultural lands including the rich tabaqah and a prolific spring, which at c. 1180 cubic m/hr is the second most powerful in the Jordan Valley, according to the professor. Although in the Mamluk period the main lateral road from east to west passed north of Fahl between Baysan and Al Qusayr over the Jisr Al Mujami,Fahl regained a measure of its former importance by benefitting from an accelerated pace of social and economic reconstruction under the Ayyubids and early Mamluks. "A hot climate, good water supplies, a replenished labour force, a ready market in Cairo, the growth of Mediterranean trade, and large landholdings by the sultan or his emirs encouraged the cultivation of commercial crops in the valley notably sugar, dates and bananas," Walmsley underlined. The professor added that Fahl still retained a strategic importance, as it lay between the major settlements of Al Qusayr in the upper Jordan Valley and Ajlun, positioned high in the Jabal Awf region to the south-east. Page 2