logo
Row over Hindi: Marathi literary body opposes three-language formula for Classes 1 to 5

Row over Hindi: Marathi literary body opposes three-language formula for Classes 1 to 5

The Print15 hours ago

'It is clearly mentioned (in NEP) that a third language should be introduced from Class 6,' a release from the Sahitya Mahamandal said.
The Mahamandal's statement came amid opposition from Congress and Raj Thackeray-led Maharashtra Navnirman Sena to an amended government order which said Hindi would 'generally' be a third language for these classes.
Pune, Jun 18 (PTI) The Akhil Bharatiya Marathi Sahitya Mahamandal, an apex Marathi literary body, on Wednesday opposed the Maharashtra government's decision to adopt a three-language formula for Classes 1 to 5, and said the New Education Policy does not recommend it.
It also questioned the need to teach a third language when many schools do not have enough teachers, and students of higher classes struggle to read Marathi books of Class 2 level.
'Instead of improving the quality of education, attempts are being made to make a third language compulsory,' it stated.
Though the state government has provided that students can opt for any other Indian language instead of Hindi, it would be practically impossible as teachers of these languages will have to be brought from a respective state which is very difficult, it said.
Its opposition to Hindi is for cultural reasons as Hindi's 'invasion' of Marathi was increasing, the Mahamandal said.
It also asked why the Maharashtra government has adopted such a policy when Hindi is not compulsory from Class 1 in any other state.
A government resolution (GR) or order issued on Tuesday said Hindi will 'generally' be a third language, instead of being mandatory, but gave an option to opt out if 20 students per grade in a school express the desire to study any other Indian language.
Speaking to reporters in Pune earlier in the day, Chief Minister Devendra Fadnavis said, 'We had earlier made Hindi compulsory, but in the GR issued yesterday, that compulsion has been removed…. students can now opt for any Indian language as a third language.' PTI SPK KRK
This report is auto-generated from PTI news service. ThePrint holds no responsibility for its content.

Orange background

Try Our AI Features

Explore what Daily8 AI can do for you:

Comments

No comments yet...

Related Articles

Indian evacuees from Iran flag issues with J&K buses; CM Abdullah responds
Indian evacuees from Iran flag issues with J&K buses; CM Abdullah responds

Business Standard

time28 minutes ago

  • Business Standard

Indian evacuees from Iran flag issues with J&K buses; CM Abdullah responds

Jammu and Kashmir Chief Minister Omar Abdullah on Thursday announced that Indian students returning from Iran under 'Operation Sindhu' would be transported via deluxe buses, after several evacuees raised concerns about the condition of the buses arranged for their onward journey to Union territory. Speaking to news agency ANI, one student said, 'The buses that have been provided are in such bad condition that even animals will not travel in them. We can't go in such buses, and our safety could have been compromised. We are here (in Delhi) and for that we are thankful to the central government as they have evacuated us smoothly, we faced no problem till here, but we are having a problem here now...' Responding to the complaints, the Chief Minister's Office posted on X: 'The Chief Minister has taken note of the request of the students evacuated from Iran regarding the quality of buses arranged to transport them from Delhi to J&K.' . On Thursday morning, Iran and Israel exchanged fresh missile strikes as the conflict entered its seventh day. The group of 110 Indian nationals evacuated from Urmia, Iran, under 'Operation Sindhu' arrived in Delhi earlier on Thursday and expressed gratitude to the Indian government. Minister of State for External Affairs Kirti Vardhan Singh welcomed the first group at the airport. One of the returning students said Indian authorities had 'done a good job' and ensured a smooth evacuation. He noted that conditions in Iran, particularly in Tehran, were deteriorating rapidly. . They reported no issues during the evacuation and said the embassy had made timely arrangements for their departure. To assist those still in Iran, the Indian Embassy established 24x7 control rooms and emergency helpline numbers. According to a Times of India report, around 10,000 Indian nationals or people of Indian origin are currently in Iran, including approximately 6,000 students.

Review of Srinath Raghavan's new book on Indira Gandhi
Review of Srinath Raghavan's new book on Indira Gandhi

The Hindu

time31 minutes ago

  • The Hindu

Review of Srinath Raghavan's new book on Indira Gandhi

Srinath Raghavan's latest book, Indira Gandhi and the Years That Transformed India, examines her political career as India's long 1970s. It takes a chronological arc: her assumption of prime ministerial office in 1966, her struggle to take tight control of the Congress party, her landslide electoral win of 1971, thereafter her leadership of the country in the war with Pakistan, the imposition of Emergency, loss to the Janata Party in 1977, her stint in opposition, return to office in 1980 and her assassination in 1984. Placing this extended decade in a global context, Raghavan argues that 'the long 1970s were the hinge on which the contemporary history of India turned, transforming the young postcolonial country into today's India.' In an interview, Raghavan explains various ideas and events that marked these tumultuous years. Excerpts: In this political history of the Indira Gandhi years, a word that recurs repeatedly is Caesarist/Caesarism. In your view, is it central to understanding the changes that she oversaw, and how it transformed the Indian polity? Caesarism refers to a style of politics in which the leader seeks directly to connect with the people, bypassing party structures or the parliament. I found it useful to understand an important change in the Indian politics ushered in by Indira Gandhi – more useful than currently modish terms such as populist or charismatic. Democratic politics has, by definition, an element of populism. And charisma is only one aspect of the Caesarist style of leadership. Was she already inclined to the Caesarist style? Did her style shift-shape along the way? Indira Gandhi adopted this mode of leadership in response to the specific problems confronting the Congress party. The party's drab performance in the 1967 elections underlined its inability to carry with it significant sections of the electorate. At the same time, it accentuated the power struggle within the party between the prime minister and the regional grandees who controlled the machine. Indira Gandhi moved towards a Caesarist style both to undercut her rivals in the party and revive its electoral fortunes. Her decision to split the Congress was undoubtedly a crucial first step. But equally important were the extraordinary performance of her party in the general elections of 1971 and the decisive military victory over Pakistan later the same year. These, in turn, propelled the party to a massive win in the State elections of 1972. None of these could have been predicted when she broke the old Congress. But cumulatively they cemented her control of the party. Without such dominance it is difficult to imagine the party tamely falling in with her decision to impose the Emergency in June 1975. The triumphs of 1971-2 to the imposition of Emergency in 1975 and the rapid consolidation of the Emergency regime — do you see a vein of risk-taking running through the entire arc? Or did, as in the popular view, fortitude give way to paranoia? I don't see her as an inveterate risk-taker. Rather she had a sharp, instinctive grasp of power relations (whether in domestic or international politics), an instinctive sense of timing and a willingness to make bold choices. These qualities worked for her in the crises of the early years, but they also led to counterproductive outcomes in later years—not only the Emergency but also her handling of the problems in Punjab, Assam and Jammu and Kashmir during her final term in office. All along, she tended to blame difficult situations on the machinations of her domestic or international opponents. This made her somewhat impervious to introspecting on her own choices and their consequences. Yet, as her bete noire Henry Kissinger once said, even the paranoid can have real enemies. You write that 'the long 1970s placed the Indian economy on the road to liberalisation, if only via a crooked path'. Do you think this point remains little appreciated? Indeed. The received wisdom on Indira Gandhi's economic policies is that they were 'socialist' and they tightened the grip of the state on private capital. This is true, but it is also a partial picture. In fact, the heyday of nationalisation and state control in the early 1970s proved brief, though it was damaging enough. The embrace of these policies coincided with the onset of a global economic crisis triggered by the collapse of the Bretton Woods system of stable exchange rates and the oil shocks that followed the Arab-Israel war of 1973. Such was the impact of this global crisis on the Indian economy that Indira Gandhi was forced to embrace conservative macroeconomic policies and move in the direction of liberalising controls on the economy. Before and during the Emergency as well as in her last term in office she adopted strong anti-inflationary policies. During these periods, she also espoused pro-business policies — policies that were viewed favourably by established players like J.R.D. Tata and newer entrants like Dhirubhai Ambani. In so doing, she put the Indian economy on the long road towards liberalisation. The tenure of the Janata Party was a vital phase of the long 1970s. How much was Indira Gandhi a defining factor in the manner and pace at which the regime unravelled? The Janata government was united in its desire to fix Indira Gandhi after 1977, but divided on how best to proceed. This led to some spectacular own-goals such as the abortive move to arrest her in 1978. Indira Gandhi, for her part, proved more astute in playing on the faultlines within the Janata Party and on the thrusting ambition of some of its leaders. In particular, her move to support Charan Singh's bid for premiership ensured that the Janata Party was broken beyond repair or rapprochement. How important were these years out of power, 1977-1980, in her own eventual evolution? These were undoubtedly the most challenging years of her political life. Yet, her ability to retain a grip on a section of the Congress party, to revive her popular fortunes by dramatic moves (such as in support of the Dalits after the massacre in Belchi), and to bounce back by winning the 1978 by-election in Chikmagalur — all showcased her political instincts and tenacity. At the same time, these years also led her further down the path of personalising power in the party (which she split for a second time) and of relying on her younger son, Sanjay Gandhi, who was clearly the dynastic heir apparent. You conclude that while the Janata government had successfully rolled back the Emergency, it did not reconfigure the coordinates of parliamentary democracy put in place on Mrs. Gandhi's watch. Yet, did its record inform the coalition governments to come in later years, of the 'third front', BJP, and the Congress? The Janata government certainly foreshadowed the era of coalition politics that began in the late 1980s. While several of the main protagonists of this period were active in 1977-79, it is not clear they had learned much from that bitter experience. Rather, the record of some of the later coalition governments bore out the dictum that the only thing we learn from history is how to make new mistakes! You choose not to speculate about the reasons for her announcement of elections in 1977. But did this announcement embed in the Indian political system the centrality of elections? The outcome of the 1977 elections demonstrated that even the most powerful political leader could be unseated and humbled. Coming in the wake of the Emergency, when institutional checks and balances had manifestly failed to uphold democracy, elections were now regarded as central to Indian democracy. A decade ago you had published a profile of Indira Gandhi - from then to now, has your assessment of the arc of her prime ministerial career altered? My assessments have changed in a couple of ways. The availability of newly declassified archival materials, including from the Prime Minister's Secretariat, has enabled me to understand better the ideas and impulses that lay behind many of the choices and decisions made by Indira Gandhi and her contemporaries. This is true even of such well known episodes as the nationalisation of banks. At the same time, I have developed a deeper appreciation of the gulf between intentions and outcomes, and how the latter were decisively shaped by the wider, including the global, currents of the long 1970s. At the outset of her premiership, for instance, Indira Gandhi wanted to restore the economy to the track of planned economic development (on the Nehruvian model). But the economic imperatives and crises of the period effectively led to rather a different model of political economy — one that combined targeted anti-poverty programmes with a liberalising, pro-business outlook. This framework has proved durable and continues to shape Indian political economy today. The interviewer is a Delhi-based editor and journalist. Indira Gandhi and the Years That Transformed India Srinath Raghavan Allen Lane ₹899

Will Iran's allies step in if the US joins Israel's war?
Will Iran's allies step in if the US joins Israel's war?

First Post

time32 minutes ago

  • First Post

Will Iran's allies step in if the US joins Israel's war?

Iran has had long-standing strategic relations with several nations. It has found support from Russia and several regional partners, including Pakistan, in the past. However, it remains to be seen whether they will continue to back the nation if the US joins hands with Israel read more As Israel continues its attacks on Iran, US President Donald Trump and other global leaders are hardening their stance against the Islamic Republic. While considering a US attack on Iran's nuclear sites, Trump has threatened Iran's supreme leader, claiming to know his location and calling him 'an easy target'. He has demanded 'unconditional surrender' from Iran. Meanwhile, countries such as Germany, Canada, the UK and Australia have toughened their rhetoric, demanding Iran fully abandon its nuclear program. STORY CONTINUES BELOW THIS AD So, as the pressure mounts on Iran, has it been left to fight alone? Or does it have allies that could come to its aid? Has Iran's 'axis of resistance' fully collapsed? Iran has long relied on a network of allied paramilitary groups across the Middle East as part of its deterrence strategy. This approach has largely shielded it from direct military strikes by the US or Israel, despite constant threats and pressure. This so-called ' axis of resistance' includes groups such as Hezbollah in Lebanon, the Popular Mobilisation Forces (PMF) in Iraq, the Houthi militants in Yemen, as well as Hamas in Gaza, which has long been under Iran's influence to varying degrees. Iran also supported Bashar al-Assad's regime in Syria before it was toppled last year. These groups have served both as a regional buffer and as a means for Iran to project power without direct engagement. However, over the past two years, Israel has dealt significant blows to the network. Russian President Vladimir Putin with Iran's Supreme Leader Ayatollah Ali Khamenei. File image?AP Hezbollah, once Iran's most powerful non-state ally, has been effectively neutralised after months of attacks by Israel. Its weapons stocks were systematically targeted and destroyed across Lebanon. And the group suffered a major psychological and strategic loss with the assassination of its most influential leader, Hassan Nasrallah. In Syria, Iranian-backed militias have been largely expelled following the fall of Assad's regime, stripping Iran of another key foothold in the region. That said, Iran maintains a strong influence in Iraq and Yemen. The PMF in Iraq, with an estimated 200,000 fighters, remains formidable. The Houthis have similarly sized contingent of fighters in Yemen. Should the situation escalate into an existential threat to Iran, as the region's only Shiite-led state, religious solidarity could drive these groups to become actively involved. This would rapidly expand the war across the region. STORY CONTINUES BELOW THIS AD The PMF, for instance, could launch attacks on the 2,500 US troops stationed in Iraq. Indeed, the head of Kata'ib Hezbollah, one of the PMF's more hardline factions, promised to do so: If America dares to intervene in the war, we will directly target its interests and military bases spread across the region without hesitation. Iran itself could also target US bases in the Persian Gulf countries with ballistic missiles, as well as close the Strait of Hormuz, through which about 20 per cent of the world's oil supply flows. Will Iran's regional and global allies step in? Several regional powers maintain close ties with Iran. The most notable among them is Pakistan, the only Islamic country with a nuclear arsenal. For weeks, Iranian Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei has tried to align Iran more closely with Pakistan in countering Israel's actions in Gaza. In a sign of Pakistan's importance in the Israel-Iran war, Trump has met with the country's army chief in Washington as he weighs a possible strike on its neighbour. Pakistan's leaders have also made their allegiances very clear. Prime Minister Shehbaz Sharif has offered Iran's president 'unwavering solidarity' in the 'face of Israel's unprovoked aggression'. And Pakistani Defence Minister Khawaja Asif recently said in an interview Israel will 'think many times before taking on Pakistan'. STORY CONTINUES BELOW THIS AD These statements signal a firm stance without explicitly committing to intervention. Pakistan Prime Minister Shehbaz Sharif meets Iran's Supreme Leader Ayatollah Ali Khamenei. File image/Reuters Yet, Pakistan has also been working to de-escalate tensions. It has urged other Muslim-majority nations and its strategic partner, China, to intervene diplomatically before the violence spirals into a broader regional war. In recent years, Iran has also made diplomatic overtures to former regional rivals, such as Saudi Arabia and Egypt, in order to improve relations. These shifts have helped rally broader regional support for Iran. Nearly two dozen Muslim-majority countries, including some that maintain diplomatic relations with Israel, have jointly condemned Israel's actions and urged de-escalation. It's unlikely, though, that regional powers such as Saudi Arabia, Egypt, the United Arab Emirates and Turkey would support Iran materially, given their strong alliances with the US. Iran's key global allies, Russia and China, have also condemned Israel's strikes. They have previously shielded Tehran from punitive resolutions at the UN Security Council. However, neither power appears willing, at least for now, to escalate the confrontation by providing direct military support to Iran or engaging in a standoff with Israel and the US. STORY CONTINUES BELOW THIS AD Theoretically, this could change if the conflict widens and Washington openly pursues a regime change strategy in Tehran. Both nations have major geopolitical and security interests in Iran's stability. This is due to Iran's long-standing 'Look East' policy and the impact its instability could have on the region and the global economy. However, at the current stage, many analysts believe both are unlikely to get involved directly. Moscow stayed on the sidelines when Assad's regime collapsed in Syria, one of Russia's closest allies in the region. Not only is it focused on its war in Ukraine, Russia also wouldn't want to endanger improving ties with the Trump administration. China has offered Iran strong rhetorical support, but history suggests it has little interest in getting directly involved in Middle Eastern conflicts. Ali Mamouri, Research Fellow, Middle East Studies, Deakin University This article is republished from The Conversation under a Creative Commons license. Read the original article.

DOWNLOAD THE APP

Get Started Now: Download the App

Ready to dive into a world of global content with local flavor? Download Daily8 app today from your preferred app store and start exploring.
app-storeplay-store