
The alarming rise of US officers hiding behind masks: ‘A police state'
Some wear balaclavas. Some wear neck gators, sunglasses and hats. Some wear masks and casual clothes.
Across the country, armed federal immigration officers have increasingly hidden their identities while carrying out immigration raids, arresting protesters and roughing up prominent Democratic critics.
It's a trend that has sparked alarm among civil rights and law enforcement experts alike.
Mike German, a former FBI agent, said officers' widespread use of masks was unprecedented in US law enforcement and a sign of a rapidly eroding democracy. 'Masking symbolizes the drift of law enforcement away from democratic controls,' he said.
The Department of Homeland Security (DHS) has insisted masks are necessary to protect officers' privacy, arguing, without providing evidence, that there has been an uptick in violence against agents.
But, German argued, the longterm consequences could be severe. The practice could erode trust in the US law enforcement agencies: 'When it's hard to tell who a masked individual is working for, it's hard to accept that that is a legitimate use of authority,' he noted.
And, he said, when real agents use masks more frequently, it becomes easier for imposters to operate.
German – who previously worked undercover in white supremacist and militia groups and is now a fellow at the Brennan Center for Justice, a non-profit – spoke to the Guardian about the dangers of officer masking, why he thinks officers are concealing themselves and how far the US has deviated from democratic norms.
This conversation has been edited and condensed for clarity.
Were you surprised by the frequent reports of federal officers covering their faces and refusing to identify themselves, especially during the recent immigration raids and protests in Los Angeles?
It is absolutely shocking and frightening to see masked agents, who are also poorly identified in the way they are dressed, using force in public without clearly identifying themselves. Our country is known for having democratic control over law enforcement. When it's hard to tell who a masked individual is working for, it's hard to accept that that is a legitimate use of authority. It's particularly important for officers to identify themselves when they are making arrests. It's important for the person being arrested, and for community members who might be watching, that they understand this is a law enforcement activity.
Is there any precedent in the US for this kind of widespread law enforcement masking?
I'm not aware of any period where US law enforcement officials wore masks, other than the lone ranger, of course. Masking has always been associated with police states. I think the masking symbolizes the drift of law enforcement away from democratic controls. We see this during protests. We see this in Ice raids. And we see this in the excessive secrecy in which law enforcement has increasingly operated since the 9/11 terrorist attacks.
How does masking fit into the post-9/11 trends in American policing?
After 9/11, there were significant changes to the law – the Patriot Act, expansion of the Foreign Intelligence Surveillance Act, changes to FBI guidelines – that allowed mass warrantless surveillance. Those changes rolled back reforms that had been put in place to address law enforcement abuses, including the targeting of disfavored political activists. As the federal government greatly expanded its authority, state and local law enforcement adopted a similar approach they called 'intelligence-led policing'. That included the creation of 'fusion centers', in which state, local and federal law enforcement share information with each other and private sector entities. Roughly 80 fusion centers exist today, and there is very little oversight and regulation, and they operate under a thick cloak of secrecy, often targeting disfavored protest groups. Once police think of themselves as domestic intelligence agents rather than law enforcement sworn to protect the public, it creates this attitude that the public doesn't have a right to know what they're doing. And now that includes even hiding their identities in public.
Why do you think some officers are masking?
I have not had conversations with current officers, but I imagine some are masking because they don't normally work for Ice or do immigration enforcement, but are now being sent to do these jobs. [The Trump administration has diverted some federal officers from agencies like the FBI, Drug Enforcement Administration and Bureau of Alcohol, Tobacco, Firearms and Explosives (ATF) to support Ice, reportedly pushing agents who would be tackling violent crimes to instead handle civil immigration violations]. When these officers go home at night, they may not want people in their communities to know it was them. Maybe they have upstanding reputations because of the work they do for the FBI or ATF, and they don't necessarily want to be identified with this kind of indiscriminate targeting of immigrants. And that reluctance to be identified as engaging in those activities really highlights the illegitimacy of those actions.
Are there concerns about having masked officers from other agencies working for Ice?
Officers from other federal law enforcement agencies are used to operating within specific authorities, and they may not recognize that Ice enforcement actions don't necessarily allow for those same actions. When an FBI or ATF agent is seeking to arrest someone, they typically have a warrant signed by a judge and can go after that person even on private property. Ice's civil enforcement powers don't give them that authority. If Ice doesn't have a judicial warrant, they can't go into someone's home. So if the FBI is doing Ice enforcement, they have to understand their authority is limited in important ways in order to not violate the law. That's also why it's critical for agents to identify what agency they are with. Otherwise, it's hard to understand under what authority an action is being taken. Who is this person shoving a member of the public who is just asking questions?
Historically, what are the basic standards and training for law enforcement showing their faces?
I'm not aware of any general authority authorizing an agent not to identify themselves during public law enforcement activity. As a former FBI undercover agent, I tried to avoid getting my picture taken as much as possible. But it is a small number of individuals who engage in undercover operations who would require any kind of masking, and they have the option of not participating in arrests where they are going to be in public.
A lot of training is about police safety. And part of that safety is having a clear indication that you are a law enforcement official when you're engaging in some type of activity that could involve use of force or arrest, including protest management. The badge was intended to protect the officer, to make it clear you're acting under the authority of the law and not just shoving somebody you don't like. As an FBI agent, if I was going to talk to a member of the public, I'd identify myself and display my credentials. It was routine. And anytime I would write up the interview for evidentiary purposes, the first thing I'd write was, I identified myself and let them know the purpose of the interview.
Do you think lawmakers can address this issue with legislation? Some Democratic US senators have pushed Ice to require that agents identify themselves, and California lawmakers have introduced state legislation to ban law enforcement from masking on duty, arguing public servants have an obligation to show their faces – and not operate like Star Wars stormtroopers.
Having clear laws, regulations and policies that require law enforcement to operate in an accountable fashion is critical. But a lot of this is about leadership. Law enforcement leaders are justifying masking as some dubious security measure instead of ensuring officers act in a professional manner at all times and holding them accountable when they don't. That has been a significant problem over time when police engage in illegal or unconstitutional activity.
It's great when federal, state or local legislators pass laws requiring accountability, but those measures cannot be successful if police aren't expected by their own leaders to abide by those rules.
What are the ongoing consequences of officers hiding their faces?
The recent shootings of two Democratic lawmakers in Minnesota, by a suspect who allegedly impersonated an officer, highlights the danger of police not looking like police. Federal agents wearing masks and casual clothing significantly increases this risk of any citizen dressing up in a way that fools the public into believing they are law enforcement so they can engage in illegal activity. It is a public safety threat, and it's also a threat to the agents and officers themselves, because people will not immediately be able to distinguish between who is engaged in legitimate activity or illegitimate activity when violence is occurring in public.
What are people supposed to do when they're not sure if an officer is legitimate?
That question highlights the box that these tactics put Americans into. When they are not sure, the inclination is to resist, and that resistance is used to justify a greater use of force by the officers, and it creates this cycle that is harmful to people just trying to mind their business. And that can mean that these individuals are not just subject to use of force and very aggressive arrests on civil charges, but they could also face more serious criminal charges. The more illegitimate police act, the more resistance to their activities will result. And if the public doesn't trust officers, it becomes very difficult for them to do their jobs.
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Shit is thrown on stage all the time. If I'm supposed to know every fucking thing that's thrown on stage' – in this case a Hezbollah flag – 'I'd be in Mensa, Jesus Christ,' says Ó hAnnaidh. 'I don't know every proscribed organisation – I've got enough shit to worry about up there. I'm thinking about my next lyric, my next joke, the next drop of a beat.' And the 'dead Tory' comments? 'Why should I regret it? It was a joke – we're playing characters, it's satirical, it's a fucking joke. And that's not the point,' he says. 'The point is, that [video] wasn't an issue until we said 'Free Palestine' at Coachella. That stuff happened 18 months ago, and nobody batted an eyelid. Everybody agreed it was a fucking joke, even people that may have been in the room that didn't agree – it's a laugh, we're all having a bit of craic. The point is, and the context is, it all [resurfaced] because of Coachella. That's what we should be questioning, not whether I regret things.' Kneecap's opponents, he says, 'went and combed through eight years of a career … they're really scraping the bottom of the barrel'. He says that they then 'took those videos out of context. If you believe that what a satirical band who play characters on stage do is more outrageous than the murdering of innocent Palestinians, then you need to give your head a fucking wobble.' To suggest that parts of Kneecap's performance are satire and others aren't is a tricky and potentially confusing line to walk. But Ó hAnnaidh argues the band don't risk undermining their activism by blurring these lines. 'It's not our job to tell people what's a joke and what's not. Our job is: we make music as a band. We are going to have political messaging in our songs – it's not for us to dissect it for other people. Take what you want from it, but we're not going to change in that way.' Kneecap have granted only one interview prior to their Glastonbury performance, and over the course of an hour-long video call – Ó hAnnaidh, and DJ Próvai, AKA JJ Ó Dochartaigh, speaking from Lurgan, and Móglaí Bap, AKA Naoise Ó Cairealláin, from his home in Belfast – all stay staunchly on message. The controversy surrounding them, they reiterate, is not the story – Gaza is. 'We're a distraction, to take away [attention] from what's happening in Palestine, especially for our generation of people who are always on our phones,' says Ó Cairealláin. 'It's all being livestreamed – you can never say you didn't know what's happening in Palestine, and that's why they want to bog us down and go through old videos. Over 100 people were killed in the last four days – that's the real story.' He alleges that the US and the UK 'are complicit in this genocide' on the grounds that each country has sent military supplies to Israel, and that Israel's supporters are targeting the band because they want to move the news 'away from the arms support'. Kneecap say that resistance is in their blood. Ó hAnnaidh and Ó Cairealláin are from west Belfast, while Ó Dochartaigh is from Derry; rapping in Irish is a way, they say, to reclaim a sense of Irish identity that the British attempted to stamp out. While they satirically self-identify as 'Republican hoods' and 'Fenian cunts' in their cartoonish, lewd music, their message is less republican than it is anticolonial and anti-sectarian. Kneecap advocate for peace between unionists and republicans – 'the people on the 'other side' aren't our enemy … we're all working-class', Ó hAnnaidh told the Face last year – and train their fury towards the 800 years of British rule in Ireland. Because of this, as well as their frequent references to drugs, the group have been criticised by unionist and republican advocates alike, as well as by Kemi Badenoch last year, who, when serving as UK business secretary, tried to block Kneecap from receiving a government-funded Music Export Growth Scheme grant because they 'oppose the United Kingdom'. Kneecap won a subsequent discrimination lawsuit against the British government, and donated the grant money to Protestant and Catholic youth organisations in Northern Ireland. This week, the band released The Recap, a furious, gloating diss track aimed at Badenoch, in which they describe the grant money as reparations. It was around the time Kneecap sued the government that they caught the attention of Hasan Piker, a streamer and political commentator who the New York Times recently termed 'a Joe Rogan of the left' due to his enormous platform and influence (he is one of the most viewed streamers on Twitch). He describes Kneecap to me as 'uncompromising and unyielding in their commitment to anti-imperialism'. After it was announced that Kneecap's second Coachella set wouldn't be livestreamed, he offered to stream the show on his Twitch channel, which has more than 2.9m followers. 'I'm always impressed when I see anyone in the western world share this kind of sentiment,' he says. 'At no point did I feel like they were fearful or anything like that … their advocacy is about putting humanity first.' Kneecap's rise has been steady since they debuted in 2017, and was bolstered by last year's release of a self-titled Bafta-winning comedy film about their origins, starring Michael Fassbender and the group themselves. Politics aside, the music itself is a riot: bawdy and whip-smart, animated by ferocious beats, deftly slipping between trenchant political commentary and dazed odes to the joys of substance use. But it's their anticolonial stance that has secured them legions of fans in places such as Aotearoa (New Zealand) and Australia, where they played to 10,000 fans at a free gig in Melbourne earlier this year. That stance is also why the band advocate so fiercely for Palestine, which they say they have been doing since they began making music. 'Eight-hundred years of colonialism, it obviously does things to people up to the point where I don't think the Irish people are willing to stand on the sidelines any more. The Irish people aren't willing to let something like a genocide pass by without comment,' says Ó hAnnaidh, and in general, Irish artists – Kneecap, as well as peers such as Lankum, Fontaines DC and Sprints – have been more vocal about the Palestinian cause than British or American acts. 'If we lose a few quid, we lose a bit of clout in a certain space, we don't care – we know we're doing the right thing, we know we're on the right side of history.' Israel has been carrying out a full-scale military campaign on occupied Gaza for almost two years, an onslaught triggered by Hamas's 7 October 2023 attack on southern Israel, in which about 1,200 people were killed. The UN has found Israel's military actions to be consistent with genocide, while Amnesty International and others have claimed Israel has shown an 'intent to destroy' the Palestinian people. At least 56,000 Palestinians are now missing or dead, with studies at Yale and other universities suggesting the official tolls are being underestimated. (In July 2024, the Lancet medical journal estimated the true death toll at that point could be more than 186,000.) But away from Kneecap and other outspoken artists, across the creative industries as a whole relatively few have spoken about Gaza in such stark terms. 'The genocide in Palestine is a big reason we're getting such big crowds at our gigs, because we are willing to put that message out there,' says Ó hAnnaidh. 'Mainstream media has been trying to suppress that idea about the struggle in Palestine. People are looking at us as, I don't know, a beacon of hope in some way – that this message will not be suppressed. The music is one thing, but the message is a big part of why we're getting across.' As working-class, early-career musicians, Kneecap have a lot more to lose by speaking out than more prominent artists, but Ó Cairealláin says this is beside the point. 'You can get kind of bogged down talking about the people who aren't talking enough or doing enough, but for us, it's about talking about Palestine instead of pointing fingers,' he says. 'There's no doubt that there's a lot of bands out there who could do a lot more, but hopefully just spreading awareness and being vocal and being unafraid will encourage them.' Ó Dochartaigh adds: 'We just want to stop people being murdered. There's people starving to death, people being bombed every day. That's the stuff we need to talk about, not fucking artists.' There's no doubt that Kneecap's fearlessness when it comes to speaking about Palestine is a key part of their appeal for many: during a headline set at London's Wide Awake festival last month, days after Ó hAnnaidh was charged for support of a terror organisation, an estimated 22,000 people chanted along with their calls of 'free, free Palestine'. And thousands showed up to their Coachella sets – which the band allege is why so many pro-Israel groups were quick to push back on them, despite the fact that they had been displaying pro-Palestine messages for such a long time. 'We knew exactly that this was going to happen, maybe not to the extreme [level] that it has, but we knew that the Israeli lobbyists and the American government weren't going to stand by idly while we spoke to thousands of young Americans who agree with us,' says Ó hAnnaidh. 'They don't want us coming to the American festivals, because they don't want videos of young Americans chanting 'free Palestine' [even though] that is the actual belief in America. They just want to suppress it.' The support for the message, says Ó Dochartaigh is 'all genders, all religions, all colours, all creeds. Everybody knows what's happening is wrong. You can't even try to deny it now – Israel's government is just acting with impunity and getting away with it. Us speaking out is a small detail – it's the world's governments that need to do something about it.' Last week, Ó hAnnaidh made an appearance at Westminster magistrates court, during which he was unconditionally bailed with a hearing set for 20 August. Kneecap's defence team, which includes criminal defence lawyer Gareth Peirce, who represented the Birmingham Six and the Guildford Four, has argued that the charge against Ó hAnnaidh was made after the six-month period in which such a terrorism offence would fall under the court's jurisdiction. Hundreds of protesters – including Paul Weller – gathered at the entrance to the court, holding aloft Palestine flags and signs that said 'Free Mo Chara'; a van, emblazoned with the slogan 'More Blacks, More Dogs, More Irish, Mo Chara,' circled the block periodically. Rob and Kathleen, an older couple from Hayling Island, had shown up to 'defend free speech, to support people who protest about genocide in Gaza,' said Rob. 'We're also here to support young people,' Kathleen added. 'Old people have made a real mess of this world, and we are very sorry, and hopefully young people can get us out of this mess.' When asked by the BBC on Wednesday about Kneecap's appearance at Glastonbury, festival organiser Emily Eavis said 'we remain a platform for many, many artists … everyone is welcome here'. But there is still considerable opposition to their Saturday afternoon set. Earlier this week, Starmer said it wasn't 'appropriate' for the band to perform at the festival, while Badenoch said the BBC 'should not be rewarding extremism' by televising the band's set. (A BBC spokesperson told the Guardian that 'whilst the BBC doesn't ban artists, our plans will ensure that our programming will meet our editorial guidelines'.) And, earlier in the month, a leak exposed a letter sent to the organisers of Glastonbury in which a number of music industry heavyweights ask the festival to 'question the wisdom of continuing to have [Kneecap] on the lineup'. The letter was signed by top agents from major live music agencies. That the letter wasn't published publicly is a form of vindication for the trio, says Ó Cairealláin. 'The fact that the letter was leaked changes things,' adds Ó hAnnaidh. 'And I hope that these people regret it. I think they're already starting to.' Kneecap play Glastonbury's West Holts stage at 4pm on Saturday.