
Russia's Ukraine war troop casualties near 1 million, study says
Russia will likely surpass 1 million casualties in its war on Ukraine this summer, according to one of the world's leading think tanks, reflecting the staggering human toll of President Vladimir Putin's assault on his neighbor.
Around 250,000 of these Russian soldiers have died, the Washington-based Center for Strategic and International Studies said in a report Tuesday.
Ukraine has also suffered heavy losses, with 400,000 casualties including between 60,000 and 100,000 killed, it said.
Surpassing 1 million people killed and wounded would be 'a stunning and grizzly milestone' for Russia and showed 'Putin's blatant disregard for his soldiers,' according to CSIS. To put this figure in historical perspective, it is five times as many deaths as all Russian and Soviet wars since World War II.
The figure is stark but roughly tallies with previous estimates given by Western intelligence agencies, which have said that around 1,000 Russian troops are killed or injured every day.
Putin annexed Ukraine's Crimea peninsula and began supporting pro-Russian separatists in the east of the country in 2014. But the CSIS figures relate to the period starting with the Kremlin's full-scale invasion of Ukraine in Feb. 2022.
The Russian leader's justification for this blitzkrieg on the Ukrainian capital of Kyiv saw him mix ahistorical fallacy — asserting Ukraine has never been a real independent country — with complaints that NATO enlargement had risked his country's border security.
However his tank columns were pushed quickly back in a stunning defense by Ukraine. Since then, his forces have reverted to attritional trench warfare, attempting to wear down Ukraine by throwing forward waves of troops in what analysts call 'meat grinder' tactics.
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The Independent
an hour ago
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The Guardian
an hour ago
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This way of thinking even appears in the defence review published earlier this week, which says 'the UK's long-standing assumptions about global power balances and structures are no longer certain' – a rare acknowledgement in a British government document of how far and how fast Trumpism is affecting foreign policy certainties. The review team reported to Keir Starmer, Rachel Reeves, and defence secretary John Healey. Most of Hill's interaction were with Healey however, and Hill said she only met the prime minister once – describing him as 'pretty charming … in a proper and correct way' and as 'having read all the papers'. Hill is not drawn on if she advised Starmer or Healey on how to deal with Donald Trump, saying instead 'the advice I would give is the same I would give in a public setting'. She says simply that the Trump White House 'is not an administration, it is a court' in which a transactional president is driven by his 'own desires and interests, and who listens often to the last person he talks to'. She adds that unlike his close circle, Trump has 'a special affinity for the UK' based partly on his own family ties (his mother came from the Hebridean island of Lewis, emigrating to New York aged 18) and an admiration for the royal family, particularly the late Queen. 'He talked endlessly about that,' she says. On the other hand, Hill is no fan of the populist right administration in the White House and worries it could come to Britain if 'the same culture wars' are allowed to develop with the encouragement of Republicans from the US. Already, she notes, Reform UK won a string of council elections last month, including in her native Durham, and leader Nigel Farage wants to emulate some of the aggressive efforts to restructure government led by Elon Musk's Department of Government Efficiency (Doge) before his falling out with Trump. 'When Nigel Farage says he wants to do a Doge against the local county council, he should come over here [to the US] and see what kind of impact that has,' she says. 'This is going to be the largest layoffs in US history happening all at once, much bigger than hits to steel works and coal mines.' Hill's argument is that in a time of profound uncertainty, Britain needs greater internal cohesion if it is to protect itself. 'We can't rely exclusively on anyone any more,' she says, arguing that Britain needs to have 'a different mindset' based as much on traditional defence as on social resilience. Some of that, Hill says, is about a greater recognition of the level of external threat and initiatives for greater integration, by teaching first aid in schools or encouraging more teenagers to join school cadet forces, a recommendation of the defence review. 'What you need to do is get people engaged in all kinds of different ways in support of their communities,' she says. Hill says she sees that deindustrialisation and a rise of inequality in Russia and the US has contributed to the rise in national populism in both countries. Politicians in Britain, or elsewhere, 'have to be much more creative and engage people where they are at' as part of a 'national effort'. If this seems far away from a conventional view of defence, that is because it is, though Hill also argues that traditional conceptions of war are changing as technology evolves and with it what makes a potent force. 'People keep saying the British army has the smallest number of troops since the Napoleonic era. Why is the Napoleonic era relevant? Or that we have fewer ships than the time of Charles II. The metrics are all off here,' Hill says. 'The Ukrainians are fighting with drones. Even though they have no navy, they sank a third of the Russian Black Sea fleet.' Her aim, therefore, is not just to be critical but to propose solutions. Hill recalls that a close family friend, on hearing that she had taken on the defence review, had told her: ''Don't tell us how shite we are, tell us what we can do, how we can fix things.' People understand that we have a problem and that the world has changed.'