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The Observer view: A robust watchdog is vital to avoid another Grenfell Tower tragedy

The Observer view: A robust watchdog is vital to avoid another Grenfell Tower tragedy

The Guardian08-02-2025
The remains of Grenfell Tower have for the last seven years stood as a testament to the worst British fire disaster in living memory. They have become a permanent feature of the west London skyline; one that means the people who live and work in north Kensington – including those who survived the fire – are never far away from the reminder that 72 people died, and that this terrible loss of life was entirely avoidable were it not for a series of dreadful failures by the public bodies, private companies and regulators responsible for ensuring the safety of its residents.
The question of what should happen to the tower was always going to be highly sensitive. Some survivors and family members desperately want it to remain standing as a memorial to those who were killed. Nabil Choucair, who lost six family members, says it should at least be allowed to stand until the criminal investigation – still ongoing – has concluded. There are some local residents who say they find its continuing presence difficult and who worry about whether it is structurally safe, following engineers' reports that have said that the tower needs to be taken down above its 10th floor for safety reasons.
Last Wednesday, deputy prime minister Angela Rayner told a community meeting that the tower would be dismantled entirely after the eighth anniversary of the fire, to be replaced by a memorial that could incorporate elements of it. The government rejected suggestions from some survivors that the lower levels should be allowed to stand, arguing this would be unfair to those with a connection to flats on the upper levels that have to be removed. Grenfell United, which represents some survivors and family members, has been highly critical of the way the government has handled the decision process; another survivor group, Grenfell Next of Kin, attributed the best of intentions to Rayner.
It is understandable and to be expected that some relatives find the prospect of the tower being taken down extremely painful, particularly given the fact that no one has yet been held criminally responsible for the fire; the outcome of any criminal trials is not expected until a full decade after it happened. Given this decision has now been made by the government, it remains critical that the Grenfell Tower Memorial Commission – itself mainly made up of elected representatives from the community – continues to engage with families and survivors with a range of views about what form the memorial should take.
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At the time the final report of the public inquiry was published, the government promised it would produce its response to the inquiry's recommendations within six months; that response is due by early March. After a National Audit Office report last November called on the government to speed up the pace of remedial work on buildings with dangerous cladding – seven years on from the fire, only a third of tower blocks have had the cladding removed, and half a million people are estimated to live in dangerous buildings – ministers announced plans to bring forwards the deadline for buildings over 11 metres to be fixed or have a date in place for completion to the end of 2029. But that is still almost five years away. And the government will need to undertake radical reform of the construction industry to avoid another lethal fire: the inquiry recommended setting up a new public regulator, with a single line of ministerial responsibility, to oversee building construction, including licensing companies involved in the construction of higher-risk buildings. Such a scheme will be expensive, but it is of paramount importance that the resources are found.
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I know the Home Office is hiding the real costs of asylum
I know the Home Office is hiding the real costs of asylum

Telegraph

time43 minutes ago

  • Telegraph

I know the Home Office is hiding the real costs of asylum

Our immigration system sometimes feels like an organised conspiracy against the British people. For decades, the public have voted for drastic reductions in immigration, only to see the numbers go up and up. For years, they have demanded an end to the Channel crossings and the asylum crisis, only to see politicians refuse to do what is necessary. When governments do move in the right direction, they are undermined by weak enforcement, litigious and often publicly-funded NGOs, activist judges who are often former claimant lawyers in the immigration tribunals, and human rights laws that make securing the border an impossible job. Not that governments should be let off the hook: ultimately our constitution allows Parliament to change the law. The last Conservative government had the right idea to stop the Channel crossings. Deporting every migrant coming to Britain without permission – to their home country or a third country like Rwanda – is ultimately the only way to end this wave of illegal immigration. But the plan was never going to work unless we left the European Convention on Human Rights, and that government – with exceptions like Robert Jenrick, who resigned for this reason as immigration minister – was unwilling to go that far. Immigration is the biggest single reason my party is in the predicament it is in, and we must be brutally honest about our record and radical in our solutions if we are ever to win back the trust of the British people. Labour's approach, however, is even worse. They abandoned the policy of deporting migrants who cross the Channel and are now rushing illegal immigrants through the asylum system. Approvals are up, and once asylum is granted, the migrants are hidden in the social housing and welfare systems, where it is impossible to track their costs. The Office for Budget Responsibility calculates that the average 'low-wage migrant worker' arriving aged 25 will cost the British taxpayer over £400,000 by the time they reach 81. Ministers muddy the waters by claiming they are deporting record numbers of people. But this is dishonest. First, the numbers they use include migrants who leave voluntarily. And second, only about three per cent of Channel crossers are ever removed. It's no surprise that Channel crossings are up – by almost 50 per cent – under Labour. And the court injunction won by the Conservative council in Epping, which stops a local hotel being used to house migrants, throws the Government's policy into further chaos. But while the injunction is undoubtedly a clear victory for the local residents – vilified as 'far Right' by those who should know better – it may yet mean more trouble for communities affected by 'asylum dispersal'. Those hoping for a policy of detention and deportation will soon be disappointed. Human rights laws can prevent deportation, and Labour reject automatic deportation for those who cross the Channel. So the migrants will still end up housed in towns and cities across the country. There are already more than twice as many migrants in private housing, including houses of multiple occupancy, than in hotels. And accommodation like this may suit a government as cynical as this one better than hotels. Individual houses provide less of a focal point for protest than hotels, and the Home Office, working with Serco, has been building up its property portfolio for some time. With 1.33 million people on local waiting lists for social housing, this is a serious breach of the fundamental deal offered by citizenship. Foreign nationals – who broke into our country knowing it was illegal – are being offered housing that is not available to British families in need. And the unfortunate residents who live nearby are very deliberately kept in the dark. As an MP elected last year, I have been horrified by the secrecy with which ministers handle housing migrants. When I asked why MPs are not informed about migrants being moved into their constituencies, the immigration minister said we would only be told when it is 'lawful, proportional and necessary.' In other words: never. After the disorder last year, we learnt from press leaks that an internal government paper had said asylum hotels had 'stoked community tensions' and were a 'critical factor behind the summer riots.' Yet when I used the Freedom of Information Act to request a copy of the paper, the Government said while the information was held, it would not be released because ministers needed a 'safe space' to think about policy. The truth is that Labour's immigration policy means surrender and secrecy. The illegal immigrants crossing the Channel will keep on coming, Labour will keep granting them asylum, and ministers will do everything to keep the consequences – for housing, for crime, for the cost to the taxpayer – a secret from you.

Hundreds attend solidarity gig in Dublin for Kneecap rapper
Hundreds attend solidarity gig in Dublin for Kneecap rapper

Western Telegraph

timean hour ago

  • Western Telegraph

Hundreds attend solidarity gig in Dublin for Kneecap rapper

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Suranne Jones: ‘My son cringed at one part of my new Netflix thriller'
Suranne Jones: ‘My son cringed at one part of my new Netflix thriller'

Metro

timean hour ago

  • Metro

Suranne Jones: ‘My son cringed at one part of my new Netflix thriller'

Let's set the scene: it's a sunny day on Downing Street and the press corps is waiting, cameras poised, for the Prime Minister, when out from Number 10 steps Suranne Jones. Except, it isn't Suranne Jones. This is our latest elected leader Abigail Dalton. (Albeit an unlikely name for a British PM.) With a sharply cropped new hairdo – more on that later – and a plum power suit, Jones stars in Netflix's new political thriller Hostage, across from Julie Delpy's visiting French president. The two world leaders are locked in tense negotiations over Channel boat crossings and NHS medication supplies when disaster, right on cue, strikes. Abigail's do-gooder husband Alex (Bashy) is in French Guiana on a Doctors Without Borders project, when his entire cohort is kidnapped by a masked gang. Their ransom request? Abigail must resign, or they'll start picking off doctors one by one. Given that he's been snatched in French territory and it turns out the kidnappers have dirt on the French pres too, what unfolds is a gripping, if somewhat unlikely, political thriller with two frenemy female leaders going head-to-head. Wake up to find news on your TV shows in your inbox every morning with Metro's TV Newsletter. Sign up to our newsletter and then select your show in the link we'll send you so we can get TV news tailored to you. Ahead of the five-part show's release on Netflix this Thursday (August 21), Suranne spoke to Metro about working with writer Matt Charman on what type of 'strong female character' she had yet to tackle, when she noticed a politically-themed role was missing from her head count. To view this video please enable JavaScript, and consider upgrading to a web browser that supports HTML5 video Doing double duty as both the show's star and an executive producer meant Suranne was part of the decision-making process on elements like makeup and costume, which real-world female politicians have said is always being carefully managed to ensure it's on brand. Delpy's president Vivienne Toussaint first emerges from a car with all the sleek menace of a knife, wearing a white coat with a slash of red lipstick (the type of thing the Before Sunrise star tells us is the complete opposite of her 'sloppy' norm). 'Abigail matches [Vivienne] in a way,' says Suranne. 'She gets a little bit more put together as her life starts falling apart, which is interesting. You're adding layers, you're adding armour, because you need to be perceived as in control.' With a knowing smile, she adds: 'Also it's a Netflix show. At a very base level, I want to watch and go, 'I want to wear her coat'.' The 46-year-old has become one of British TV's most bankable terrestrial stars – with shows like Vigil and Gentleman Jack on the BBC – but Hostage marks her first foray into the gleaming, glossy-coat world of Netflix. While making TV is by no means an easy feat, Suranne and Julie do point out all the ways their lives are not like their Hostage counterparts. For one thing, Suranne says, she gets more sleep. The stars researched real-life politicians who have walked the corridors of power and remarked upon the 'instant' changes in their hair and pallor when they take office – as if the weight of responsibilities has dawned and taken a psychical toll. Part of that is why Abigail undergoes a drastic hair transformation from the brief scene we see before the election, to the moment she later approaches the despatch box in Parliament. It's a she-means-business cropped 'do. 'Chopping her hair off is something less to worry about,' says Suranne. 'It's taken me a long time to grow it back. My son hated it. He said, 'Mummy, please don't pick me up at the school gates'.' More Trending This makes it sound a much worse trim than it actually is. 'I liked it,' Suranne adds. 'But he was just like 'Oh, cringe'.' It is the case that with the fast-paced twists and turns Hostage takes us on, Abigail's hair is likely the last thing she wants to be thinking about. There are far more important matters at hand. As Julie puts it: 'Usually there's one woman and all men around managing her. Here, it's like women managing everything else.' View More » Hostage is available on Netflix from August 21. Got a story? If you've got a celebrity story, video or pictures get in touch with the entertainment team by emailing us celebtips@ calling 020 3615 2145 or by visiting our Submit Stuff page – we'd love to hear from you. MORE: These are the greatest films of all time you need to stream right now MORE: TV fans defend 'unbelievably stupid' crime thriller that's streaming for free MORE: Netflix viewers race to watch 'mesmerising' drama based on jaw-dropping true story

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