logo
A 140-year-old dream gets fulfilled with Kashmir-Kanyakumari rail link

A 140-year-old dream gets fulfilled with Kashmir-Kanyakumari rail link

India Today06-06-2025
It was 1884 and Maharaja Pratap Singh of the Jammu and Kashmir state asked his Prime Minister, Diwan Anant Ram, to write a letter to the Government of British India. In the letter he would propose a vision to connect his state to the Raj's rail network in the subcontinent. One of his dreams was fulfilled but was lost to the Partition. Another never moved beyond paper. But the third rail route the Maharaja proposed and even started initial surveys on, has finally come to life today, 141 years later.advertisementAs Prime Minister Narendra Modi inaugurated the Chenab and Anji Khad bridges, the long-isolated Kashmir rail line was finally integrated into India's national railway network. It also completed the Maharaja's century-old vision.Vikramaditya Singh, the great-grandnephew of Maharaja Pratap Singh and grandson of Maharaja Hari Singh, says, "The railway line project was first envisaged and drawn up during Maharaja Pratap Singh's rule. It is a matter of great pride not only for the people of Jammu and Kashmir but for the entire nation that this dream will be realised by our Prime Minister."
The journey to this milestone was arduous, delayed by political upheavals, financial constraints, and formidable geographical challenges. Despite the Maharaja's foresight, colonial hesitations, two world wars, the Partition, stalled much progress on this route, until serious efforts were made in the 1980s under Prime Minister Indira Gandhi. advertisementTHE MAHARAJA'S PLAN TO CONNECT KASHMIR BY RAILAlong with his proposal to the British through the Diwan, Maharaja Pratap Singh commissioned British engineers to survey the rugged terrain for a railway route to the Kashmir Valley in the early 1890s.The three routes the Maharaja had proposed were: Abbottabad to Srinagar, which never happened, a Jammu to Srinagar route powered by electric traction, and a Jammu to Sialkot route, which has been lying dysfunctional since Partition and Independence.The line to Jammu was an extension of the North Western Railway (NWR) from Suchetgarh in Sialkot District (now in Pakistan), unlike the Northern Railways' route used now, via Ludhiana and Pathankot. The Sialkot-Jammu route was declared open in March 1890. But five decades later in 1947, the state of Jammu and Kashmir's first railway line was lost.Soon, the momentum of the independence movement picked up, then World War I struck, and before the project could progress, Maharaja Pratap Singh passed away.And the remaining projects, including the Jammu-Srinagar railway line, were put on the back burner, partially also due to financial constraints.
Maharaja Pratap Singh, determined to connect Kashmir with the broader Indian railway network, backed multiple ambitious proposals, from a light railway between Jammu and Srinagar to a mono-steel-cableway stretching to Doru Shahabad. However, only the Jammu-Sialkot line materialised in 1890.
REVIVING A CENTURY-OLD VISION: THE JAMMU-UDHAMPUR-SRINAGAR RAILWAY PROJECTThe idea was revived nearly nine decades later, when the then prime minister Indira Gandhi laid the foundation stone for the Jammu-Udhampur-Srinagar railway line in 1983. By then, Jammu had been reconnected to the Indian Railways through Ludhiana and Pathankot, ending the Indian state's isolation after the Sialkot line was lost to Pakistan following Partition.In 1983, the project was estimated to cost Rs 50 crore and was expected to be completed in five years. However, in 13 years, only 11 km of the rail line could be constructed, comprising 19 tunnels and 11 bridges, at a cost of Rs 300 crore.Then, the Udhampur-Katra-Baramulla railway project, estimated at Rs 2,500 crore, was taken up under prime ministers HD Deve Gowda and IK Gujral. The construction began in 1997 but faced repeated delays due to challenging geological, topographical, and weather conditions.Recognising the strategic importance of a railway line to the Valley, it was declared a national project in 2002.advertisementBy 2005, the 55-km Jammu-Udhampur section, the first major push into the Himalayan foothills, beyond the Jammu plains, was thrown open.
Encircled by the towering Himalayas, the Kashmir Valley has long remained an isolated pocket on India's railway map, with its own standalone rail network disconnected from the national grid. (Image: IndiaRailInfo)
Meanwhile, work on the Kashmir Valley railway started in isolation, like an island network disconnected from the rest of the Indian Railways.The 119-km Baramulla-Srinagar-Anantnag-Qazigund section was completed and made operational in 2009, providing intra-Valley connectivity. However, integration with the broader Indian Railways grid remained elusive as the challenging Udhampur-Srinagar-Baramulla Railway Line (USBRL) project progressed slowly.In July 2014, the Udhampur-Katra section was inaugurated, providing direct rail access to Vaishno Devi pilgrims and marking another crucial step toward linking Kashmir with the rest of India.It wasn't until August 2023, with the opening of the Banihal-Sangaldan section, and then 2024, with the completion of the final Katra-Sangaldan stretch, closing the gap in the Valley's railway isolation.advertisementAnd with the completion of the engineering marvels -- the Chenab and Anji Khad bridges -- the missing links in the Himalayan route were finally bridged, making the complete integration of the Kashmir rail line with the national network possible.ENGINEERING FEATS, CHALLENGES: HOW KASHMIR WAS CONNECTED TO INDIAN RAILWAY NETWORKThe railway line to Kashmir features as many as 38 tunnels and 927 bridges, with the crown jewel being the Chenab Bridge, soaring 359 metres above the riverbed. It stands 35 metres taller than the Eiffel Tower, earning the title of the world's highest railway arch bridge, officials of the Northern Railways told news agency PTI.Over 215 km of approach roads were built through rugged, terrorism-hit terrain, opening up areas once reachable only by foot or boat.
The Anji Bridge is India's first cable-stayed railway bridge, while the Chenab Bridge is the world's highest railway arch bridge, soaring 359 metres above the riverbed.
Terrorism also posed serious hurdles to the Kashmir railway project, with several attacks targeting construction sites and workers. In 2004, terrorists attacked a construction site near Anantnag, injuring several labourers.advertisementDespite such threats, work continued under tight security. The Banihal-Qazigund tunnel, completed in 2013, passed through some of the most sensitive areas, yet the engineers and workers of the Indian Railway Construction International Limited (Ircon) persevered.With the railway now stretching beyond Srinagar to Baramulla, the much-invoked "duri from Delhi to Kashmir" has finally been bridged with love, and quite literally, by steel and resolve.Must Watch
Orange background

Try Our AI Features

Explore what Daily8 AI can do for you:

Comments

No comments yet...

Related Articles

Sushmita Sen reveals meeting Donald Trump didn't leave an impression on her: 'He is not one of...'
Sushmita Sen reveals meeting Donald Trump didn't leave an impression on her: 'He is not one of...'

First Post

time6 minutes ago

  • First Post

Sushmita Sen reveals meeting Donald Trump didn't leave an impression on her: 'He is not one of...'

Sushmita Sen, recently shared her experience of meeting US President Donald Trump while she managed the Miss India franchise from 2010 to 2012, when the politician owned the organisation The most celebrated Miss Universe and Bollywood actress, Sushmita Sen, recently shared her experience of meeting US President Donald Trump while she managed the Miss India franchise from 2010 to 2012, when the politician owned the organisation. 'The Miss Universe Organisation called me, and said, 'Would you like to take the franchise?' I was like, 'What? Really? That was like a dream!' I signed a pretty intense contract when I took on this franchise, and that was owned by Donald Trump — which didn't make it easy or fun,' said Sen while talking to Mid-Day. STORY CONTINUES BELOW THIS AD Clarifying that Trump was not her direct boss, she shared, 'Luckily, the only people who were my boss at that time were Paramount Communications and Madison Square Garden, because they owned Miss Universe when I was an employee of Miss Universe for a year. I was a franchise owner for Donald Trump.' When questioned whether Trump left an impression on her, the actress replied, 'There are some people who leave an impression, not necessarily because of their achievements or power. Just for the people that they are. He is not one of them.' Sushmita Sen created history when she became the first Indian woman to win the Miss Universe title in 1994. She featured in movies like Dastak, Maine Pyaar Kyun Kiya?, Biwi No. 1, Chingari, Main Hoon Na, Tumko Na Bhool Paayenge, Kyo Kii… Main Jhuth Nahin Bolta, Bas Itna Sa Khwaab Hai and Aankhen among others. After a break, Sushmita made a comeback with web shows like Taali and Aarya. While the latter ran for three seasons, the former was based on the life of transgender activist Shreegauri Sawant. Directed by Ravi Jadhav, the show also featured Ankur Bhatia and Aishwarya Narkar among others in prominent roles.

No final call made on PM's participation in UN General Assembly in September
No final call made on PM's participation in UN General Assembly in September

Hindustan Times

time6 minutes ago

  • Hindustan Times

No final call made on PM's participation in UN General Assembly in September

India is yet to take a final call on Prime Minister Narendra Modi's participation in the United Nations General Assembly (UNGA) in late September, and people familiar with the matter said on Wednesday that a decision should be expected closer to the holding of the session in New York. The debate will open on September 23 and conclude on September 29. (Narendra Modi |Official Facebook) The inclusion of the Prime Minister's name in the schedule for heads of state and government expected to address the UN General Assembly and Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelensky's remarks about a possible meeting with Modi on the margins of session in New York triggered speculation about a possible visit to the US. The provisional list of speakers for the high-level debate at the upcoming session of the General Assembly states India's head of government is expected to address the session on the morning of September 26. The debate will open on September 23 and conclude on September 29. The US head of state is slated to speak on September 23. Also Read: Guest Column| PM Modi's farmers first stand transcends politics However, the people cited above said the Indian side was nowhere close to a final decision on the level of participation in the UN General Assembly. 'It has not yet been decided if the PM would be going to the UN General Assembly or not,' a person said, adding that such a visit appeared 'very unlikely' at the current juncture. The provisional list of speakers is prepared by the UN in August, well in advance of the session, with heads of state and government being given slots before foreign ministers or other representatives of a country. It is not rare for a head of state or government to drop out after their name is placed in the provisional list, the people said. After making a phone call to Modi on Monday, Ukrainian President Zelensky had said on social media that the two leaders planned to meet during the UN General Assembly in September. This was one of the factors behind the speciation about a possible visit to the US by the PM, which could have paved the way for a potential meeting with Trump. However, significant differences remain between the two sides on a trade deal, especially after Trump imposed a 25% reciprocal tariff on Indian goods and slapped another penalty of 25% on India for Russian oil purchases. In recent days, Trump has repeatedly criticised India over its tariff policies and for fuelling the 'Russian war machine' by buying Russian crude. Trump's repeated insistence that he brokered a ceasefire between India and Pakistan to end four days of hostilities too hasn't gone down well at the highest levels in New Delhi.

Lesson for India in the China-EU freeze: Proceed with caution
Lesson for India in the China-EU freeze: Proceed with caution

Indian Express

time6 minutes ago

  • Indian Express

Lesson for India in the China-EU freeze: Proceed with caution

The 50 per cent tariff shock on Indian exports to the United States has rattled exporters and policymakers alike. Garment manufacturers are scouting for alternative markets, while jewellery exporters are checking if their orders still stand. Meanwhile, the government plans credit measures to support SMEs and exporters who now potentially face a loss of their largest market. India now finds itself in a strategic bind. These developments come barely weeks before Prime Minister Narendra Modi's maiden visit to China since the Galwan clashes of 2020. The outreach aims to stabilise supply chains and secure critical technologies. Yet it coincides with Washington, India's key trading partner, tightening the screws over Delhi's Russia links, leaving India little room to manoeuvre. This is not dissimilar to the position the European Union finds itself in, vis-à-vis China and the United States. A summit marking 50 years of diplomatic ties in July ended in disappointment for Brussels. EU leaders raised concerns over China subsidising its EVs, market access issues, industrial overcapacity, and Beijing's support for Russia. On the other hand, President Xi Jinping warned against EU interference and criticised its de-risking policies. The EU-China diplomatic freeze has lessons for India. Only months earlier, with Donald Trump threatening sweeping tariffs on both the EU and China, Brussels and Beijing looked poised for closer ties. But that changed quickly when Trump paused tariffs on Chinese goods and Washington and Beijing agreed to resume cooperation on AI and critical minerals. The promise of renewed access to the US market dulled Beijing's appetite for compromise with Europe. Once China secured breathing space with Washington, it turned up the pressure on Brussels. It implemented anti-dumping tariffs on European brandy and expanded procurement restrictions on European medical equipment. The Chinese Commerce Minister called for the removal of EU sanctions on two Chinese banks alleged to have assisted Russia. Chinese export controls on rare earths were strengthened, and data localisation requirements affecting EU cloud and fintech companies were enforced. The EU and the US could have coordinated their leverage against China. Instead, the EU is under pressure from both sides, following the signing of a trade deal that imposes a 15 per cent tariff on its exports to the US. After years of border tensions and curbs on Chinese investment, New Delhi appears to be testing a modest thaw in relations. External Affairs Minister S Jaishankar's visit to Beijing in July coincided with the reopening of the Kailash Mansarovar Yatra, the resumption of direct flights, and the reinstatement of tourist visas for Chinese citizens. This revival is driven less by breakthroughs on the border and more by economic reality. The bilateral trade deficit reached a record $99.2 billion in FY25. Imports of solar components, lithium-ion batteries, electronics, and critical intermediaries surged by more than 25 per cent year-on-year. China's dominance in key sectors, such as EV components, green tech, APIs, and telecom equipment, keeps it entrenched in India's efforts to develop its own ecosystem. India is also exploring ways to ease curbs on Chinese investment, particularly in high-tech sectors. But this re-engagement is happening in the context of unresolved strategic issues. Despite an agreement last October, de-escalation along the LAC remains incomplete. Confidence-building measures are still minimal. And public sentiment remains wary. In this context, China may interpret India's opening as a sign of constraint rather than strength. If Beijing could pivot so quickly against the EU once Washington reopened its doors, it could just as easily do the same with India. India's best opportunity to avoid Europe's fate lies in direct negotiations with Chinese firms, ensuring a durable channel of communication, even when geopolitics turn cold. This does not necessarily mean filling out the calendar with high-level dialogues or offering joint ventures with Indian firms, to which Chinese companies may not freely transfer the latest technologies. Instead, India should identify critical supply chains integral to achieving its goals of economic growth, such as EV batteries, displays, EMS and connectors, solar wafers, precision machinery, and tooling. Subsequently, it should engage in dialogue with Chinese brands that have a strong global presence and established connections with upstream players in these fields. With strategic plans spanning two to three decades, these organisations are likely to assess commercial opportunities in India pragmatically and navigate political considerations in both countries as needed. India needs to establish a dedicated, multi-agency team to engage directly with key Chinese firms essential to its industrial goals. This team should comprise supply chain experts, Indian OEMs, state government representatives, and embassy staff, rather than general-purpose investment promotion bodies. Their focus should be on building strong, ongoing relationships with 25-30 major companies through private discussions and practical collaboration, rather than public initiatives. Currently, there is no coordinated outreach with these firms, and policies regarding Chinese companies in India are so unclear that only intermediaries can profit. To attract long-term investment, India needs to offer transparent and predictable guidelines that specify permitted activities, sectors, compliance requirements, and incentives. This clarity will encourage companies to invest, localise, and train for the future, resulting in knowledge and technology transfer. Not because it is mandated, but because companies will need to build for the long term. The Chinese establishment is likely to continue viewing India primarily from a strategic perspective. But when its firms and their shareholders stand to lose money by pulling out, the resistance to weaponising market access or regulatory tools will come from within. In a relationship marked by asymmetry, impassive commercial engagement may be India's strongest safeguard. The writer is Director, Geopolitics and Policy, at Koan Advisory Group, New Delhi. These are his personal views

DOWNLOAD THE APP

Get Started Now: Download the App

Ready to dive into a world of global content with local flavor? Download Daily8 app today from your preferred app store and start exploring.
app-storeplay-store