Iwi-Crown relations on the line after scathing audit
Photo:
RNZ / Diego Opatowski
The auditor general has put public agencies on notice to do a better job of ensuring iwi and hapū get what they are legally entitled to in their Treaty settlements, after a scathing report on their performance.
The agencies, from local councils to government departments and state owned enterprises, have been given a year by auditor general John Ryan after his audit showed that many public organisations are failing to fulfill their commitments on Treaty settlements.
Ryan says that is unacceptable and he warns that the public sector and the government face a greater risk of legal action because they have failed to fulfill the settlements.
He tells
The Detail
why this audit is one of the most significant projects in his time as auditor general.
"It's significant financially, it's significant constitutionally, and it's a big accountability question for the public sector to deliver against its commitments. And it's about resetting its relationship with iwi and hapū," he says.
Many people think that when a Treaty claim is settled with an iwi or hapū and the government has made its apology, it's done and dusted, but the settlements are actually "massively complicated and span a number of years".
The report makes it clear that since Te Tiriti o Waitangi was signed, the Crown has not met its obligations.
It says that about 150 public organisations have about 12,000 individual contractual and legal commitments under about 80 settlements, with about 70 groups.
To date, $2.738 billion of financial and commercial redress has been transferred through settlements.
The public organisations that it audited are responsible for 70 percent of individual commitments - more than 8000. The audit found that every one of the public organisations had difficulties meeting some of their commitments as the settlements intended.
"The types of things we've seen and pointed out in our report is that the government may have committed to relationship agreements and those are not being put in place [and] to letters of introduction which have not been put in place.
"But probably the more significant ones we talk to are things like rights of first refusal on particular properties where either they were not put in place and they should have been. Some properties we saw had been sold even though they should have had a right of first refusal given to iwi.
"We also saw Crown forest licensed land not being transferred within the timeframe that was given, which is five years."
Ryan says the public sector started late on the transfer and did not meet the five-year windows.
Once the deed is signed, a new phase begins, says RNZ Māori news editor Taiha Molyneux.
"It shifts iwi from one phase of navigating a system that wasn't created or designed by them to another phase of navigating a whole other series of processes, policies, acts to start progressing forward."
Many of the problems highlighted in the report stem from the leadership of the government agencies, most of whom are non-Māori and do not have key performance indicators (KPIs) or responsibilities that align with meeting the requirements of the Treaty settlements.
Molyneux says iwi and hapū leaders are pessimistic about the system changing, but the younger Māori are giving them hope.
"There is a much more powerful voice coming up because there's these young ones that are coming up through the kōhanga that are confident in te ao Māori and te ao Pākehā that are using tools to reach more people. That's definitely something I haven't seen of this magnitude before."
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That failure happened because a number of public servants didn't do their job and/or actively did the opposite of what they should have done, and many are still currently in high level roles. Chhana was in a crucial role at the Ministry of Justice when the Crown was continuing its ongoing denial and failure to investigate, which put New Zealand in breach of the Convention Against Torture. What exactly would Kitteridge and Collins consider to be disqualifying? And Kitteridge's history bears mentioning – for four years between 1997 and 2001 Kitteridge was a Crown Counsel at Crown Law Office. While there is no record that she was directly involved in the Lake Alice case, this was a crucial period when Crown Law was fighting litigation from Lake Alice victims. From 2003 to 2008, Kitteridge was Deputy Secretary of the Cabinet. There were ongoing discussions in Crown Law and Cabinet about Lake Alice over this period because of the police investigation and the Government's responses to the UN. She's unlikely to have been unaware of Lake Alice or the questions that it raised about torture. Because Collins is only looking at the period up to 1999, she is missing much questionable behaviour by Crown officials and lawyers, many of whom are now in senior positions not only in the public service but also in the judiciary. One Crown lawyer interviewed Dr Selwyn Leeks' ex-wife, who gave evidence that could have been incriminating in court. It doesn't appear the police were aware of this evidence, so it could never be put in front of a jury. If the scrutiny stops at 1999, that might explain why neither Kitteridge nor Collins seem concerned about Una Jagose's role in Crown Law over the past two decades. Or perhaps the scope of the inquiry has ended up being designed to protect such people. Jagose was involved in the White case, a legal test case in 2007, where the judge found the Crown was not liable on technicalities, despite finding that the victim had been sexually abused at least 13 times. The Crown knew that the main perpetrator Michael Ansell, the cook at Hokio Beach School, was a convicted paedophile but withheld this from the victim's lawyer Sonja Cooper. The Crown also used private investigators to try and dig dirt on the victims in the lead up to the trial, something Crown Law and MSD lied about when I asked in 2016. Jagose was either present at or aware of the cross examination of the victim Earl White where it was implied that he consented to the abuse because he'd been given cigarettes. In his evidence he said: 'The Crown's lawyer [Kristy McDonald KC] was asking a lot of detailed questions about the sexual abuse by Mr Ansell. The judge interrupted and asked where the questions were going because it appeared that she was suggesting I consented to the sexual assaults as a child.' This aggressive attitude continued. Keith Wiffin. Photo: Aaron Smale In January 2009 Una Jagose advised MSD it should take 'more proactive and aggressive steps' on claims by Keith Wiffin and two other survivors with a view to having them dismissed on limitation grounds without going to trial – something it had previously told the court it wouldn't do. This was despite Crown Law and MSD knowing the perpetrator had been convicted of sexual abuse of children at Epuni, information that was not disclosed to Wiffin and his lawyer Sonja Cooper. Jagose noted this approach would have the 'strategic advantage' of delaying or preventing a trial in another case involving Kohitere Boys' Home, and so avoid 'an extremely lengthy, difficult, costly, and public examination' of issues relating to that institution. That institution was the subject of a whole volume in the Royal Commission's report which documented severe and extreme violence, including sexual violence. The Royal Commission's report drew a direct link between the violence of Hokio and Kohitere and gangs and prisons. Was this the kind of 'public examination' Jagose was keen to avoid because it could prove costly to the Crown? In another email in March 2009 by Una Jagose to MSD, she noted a deterioration in Wiffin's mental health 'on account of having to give evidence' and wondered how tenaciously he was pursuing his claim and whether, if offered psychological services, 'he would settle or give up?'. Jagose was possibly referring to evidence Wiffin gave at the White trial in 2007, where he also saw the ruthless cross-examination of the victim by Crown lawyers. It was partly based on that experience he decided not to take his case to trial. Jagose had viewed the threat of the court process as a way to pressure victims and into giving up. In an earlier email from Jagose to MSD in 2006 she said 'some plaintiffs may give up along the way … if they see another plaintiff having to go through the litigation process, face cross-examination etc'. Not only did Crown lawyers attack the credibility of victims, they also withheld information that proved their allegations. Jagose and others within Crown Law and MSD did not provide relevant information from victims such as Wiffin about perpetrators. This information was also not provided to lawyer Sonja Cooper, such as the convictions of a perpetrator at Hokio Beach School during the White case. When questioned at the Royal Commission about one example in 2007 of Crown Law's failure to disclose the criminal convictions of a perpetrator who worked at Epuni Boys Home, Jagose could not give an answer: 'I don't know, I can't answer. It should have been. The information was available, and the request was for that material.' In 2020, Crown Law withheld evidence from the police during an investigation into Lake Alice that only happened because the UN found New Zealand in breach of the Convention Against Torture. Sir Brian Roche was asked by Newsroom why the scope of the inquiry was limited to the Royal Commission period ending in 1999. This question was not directly answered in the initial response. In follow-up questions, some of the incidents documented by the Royal Commission were brought to Roche's attention, including the failure to provide information about convicted paedophiles from victims and their lawyers and other information being not given to police. He was asked if he thought this behaviour was appropriate for a public servant, but a spokesperson said he had nothing to add to his previous answers. Judith Collins said in the Cabinet paper, without a hint of irony: 'It is also important to acknowledge and address the systemic factors that enabled this behaviour to occur and go unaddressed for so long.' One of the factors that allowed the abuse to 'go unaddressed for so long' was Collins making a point-blank denial that state torture occurred in New Zealand at the UN in 2014 when she was Minister of Justice. That added another 10 years onto the wait for Lake Alice victims. She has not resiled from that statement, despite an admission by the Prime Minister that torture did occur. There were also multiple failures by the police, including on Collins' watch as Minister of Police, that allowed the abuse to 'go unaddressed for so long'. That failure allowed criminals to avoid accountability for abusing and torturing children. But the lack of accountability isn't just happening for the past actions of the Crown's agents. While survivors have different views on lots of things, one thing they can agree on is they don't want any children to go through the kind of abuse they did. The survivors who put together the High Level Design said 'the concern expressed universally by survivors that systems of care must not continue to perpetuate abuse and produce further/future survivors.' But currently there is still abuse of children in the custody of the state. A report from the Independent Children's Monitor this year found more than 500 children had been abused in state custody. The previous year it was more than 400, so the numbers are increasing. A large number of those cases of abuse are in youth justice facilities and yet the current Government has set up a boot camp pilot while telling the public that this will be different. One of the Royal Commission's recommendations has been languishing since Labour was in government, but could provide a deterrent to the state's ongoing abuse of children. In its redress report from 2021 the commission recommended that: 'The Crown should create in legislation: a right to be free from abuse in care; a non-delegable duty to ensure all reasonably practicable steps are taken to protect this right; and direct liability for a failure to fulfil the duty.' Labour did less than nothing to implement this very basic but important recommendation. When a bill on oversight of Oranga Tamariki was being ushered through Parliament, the Minister for MSD Carmel Sepuloni hadn't even read the redress report and didn't know about the recommendations. When the National-led coalition came into power it ticked off a number of pet policies in 100 days, but ignored this one. Instead it was draughting up a bill to abolish section 7AA which provided an obligation to protect Maori children under the Treaty of Waitangi. 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All of our government institutions repeatedly fail to recognise this trauma that manifests not only in individuals but in generations of families and whole communities that have been infected by the virus of catastrophic childhood trauma. Instead the victims are blamed or labelled, ostracised and vilified, and the institutions then go about inflicting punitive measures that add further trauma. I've witnessed how victims try to get help from Corrections, Police, Health, Mental Health, Criminal Justice, MSD, Education sectors, only to be failed or turned away again and again. The ongoing consequences for the individual victims, their families, their communities and the country keep piling up because we have repeatedly failed to recognise the trauma that lives amongst us. I have heard people describe unspeakable acts that they suffered as children. I've seen the mask slip on gang members and people who have spent most of their lives in prison. When that mask slips I've caught a momentary glimpse of a frightened, hurt, traumatised child that hides behind that mask, a mask of aggression and hostility and distrust that many have worn so long they don't know how to take it off. They don't know how to take it off because no one ever believed them and they are trapped in a lie constructed by someone else. I have witnessed how that lie has been constructed, the ways people at the highest levels have deliberately gone about finding ways to absolve the Crown of the harm it has caused, while leaving the victims of this harm to carry the burden of those crimes. This narrative played out over decades and involved a total imbalance and abuse of power. That abuse of power brutally silenced the victims. Their evidence, their stories were deemed to be inadmissible because they shattered the image we'd constructed of ourselves as a country. And all the while we as a country have also been bearing the direct and indirect costs of the harm done to thousands of New Zealanders, while footing the bill for the Crown to cover it up. Redress cannot happen for victims until the truth we have been avoiding for decades is no longer an option. One aspect of that truth is that childhood trauma does not just live in the victims' past. It shapes every aspect of their present reality. But cracks have opened up in the Crown's impunity, even for those who work inside the institutions that have constructed it. Solicitor General Una Jagose copped heckling and verbal abuse at parliament when she gave an apology for Crown Law. Some stood up and turned their back towards Jagose while she spoke. It was made known loud and clear to the Solicitor General what survivors thought of how she and Crown Law had treated them. They had found their voice and it was heard in the corridors of power. This response was echoed by victims who had gathered at Pipitea Marae to watch the government apology on a large screen. When Jagose appeared on the screen the victims at Pipitea marae reacted the same way as those who were in Parliament. Badly. But a young lawyer from Crown Law was in attendance at Pipitea Marae, bearing witness to both the trauma of victims and the culpability of the institutions she worked for. In a transcript of an internal Teams meeting the young lawyer described what she saw and heard. And what she saw and heard in the raw reactions of the victims led her to question her own employer's behaviour and the lack of accountability. She referenced media coverage and said: 'There has been some very shady dealings and there has been cover-ups and survivors suffered immensely as a result. So I think something needs to be looked at here because the result, the trauma, does not go away and that was so clear today. The trauma from people who may have had things covered up by Crown Law 20 years ago, ten years ago, were still shouting and upset and saying things like liar at the event I was at at Pipitea Marae. There was loud booing, you could have cut the emotion with a knife. This is still a real issue for people, it's something that I think needs to be looked at further. I think to date the response to what has been done by officials of the Crown to try and limit liability for the state for abuse in care needs to be looked at under a microscope. And possibly, yes, people need to step down or be removed.'