
Trial begins for suspects in 2024 Moscow concert hall attack that killed 149 people
A faction of the Islamic State group claimed responsibility for the March 22, 2024, massacre at the Crocus City Hall concert venue in which four gunmen shot people who were waiting for a show by a popular rock band and then set the building on fire.
President Vladimir Putin and other Russian officials have claimed, without presenting evidence, that Ukraine had a role in the attack. Kyiv has strongly denied any involvement.
The Investigative Committee, Russia's top criminal investigation agency, said in June that it concluded that the attack had been 'planned and carried out in the interests of the current leadership of Ukraine in order to destabilize political situation in our country.' It also noted the four suspected gunmen tried to flee to Ukraine afterward.
The four, all identified as citizens of Tajikistan, were arrested hours after the attack and later appeared in a Moscow court with signs of being severely beaten.
The committee said earlier this year that six other suspects were charged in absentia and placed on Russia's wanted list for allegedly recruiting and organizing the training of the four. Other defendants in the trial were accused of helping them.
Hashtags

Try Our AI Features
Explore what Daily8 AI can do for you:
Comments
No comments yet...
Related Articles


The Independent
41 minutes ago
- The Independent
A look at the top buyers of Russian oil as Trump pressures China and India to stop buying it
U.S. President Donald Trump is pushing China and India to stop buying oil from Russia and helping fund the Kremlin's war against Ukraine. Trump is raising the issue as he seeks to press Russian President Vladimir Putin to agree to a ceasefire. But cheap Russian oil benefits refiners in those countries as well as meeting their needs for energy, and they're not showing any inclination to halt the practice. Three countries are big buyers of Russian oil China, India and Turkey are the biggest recipients of oil that used to go to the European Union. The EU's decision to boycott most Russian seaborne oil from January 2023 led to a massive shift in crude flows from Europe to Asia. Since then, China has been the No. 1 overall purchaser of Russian energy since the EU boycott, with some $219.5 billion worth of Russian oil, gas and coal, followed by India with $133.4 billion and Turkey with $90.3 billion. Before the invasion, India imported relatively little Russian oil. Hungary imports some Russian oil through a pipeline. Hungary is an EU member, but President Viktor Orban has been critical of sanctions against Russia. The lure of cheaper oil One big reason: It's cheap. Since Russian oil trades at a lower price than international benchmark Brent, refineries can fatten their profit margins when they turn crude into usable products such as diesel fuel. Russia's oil earnings are substantial despite sanctions The Kyiv School of Economics says Russia took in $12.6 billion from oil sales in June. Russia continues to earn substantial sums even as the Group of Seven leading industrialized nations has tried to limit Russia's take by imposing an oil price cap. The cap is to be enforced by requiring shipping and insurance companies to refuse to handle oil shipments above the cap. Russia has, to a great extent, been able to evade the cap by shipping oil on a 'shadow fleet' of old vessels using insurers and trading companies located in countries that are not enforcing sanctions. Russian oil exporters are predicted to take in $153 billion this year, according to the Kyiv institute. Fossil fuels are the single largest source of budget revenue. The imports support Russia's ruble currency and help Russia to buy goods from other countries, including weapons and parts for them.


Telegraph
42 minutes ago
- Telegraph
Russia issues warning to West as it pulls out of missile treaty
Russia has formerly pulled out of a treaty prohibiting the deployment of short and medium-range nuclear missiles, warning the West to 'expect further steps'. As missiles continued to rain down on Ukraine, Dmitry Medvedev, Russia's former president, blamed Nato countries for their withdrawal from the Cold War-era agreement. Medvedev, who has been exchanging barbs on social media with Donald Trump, made his comments after Russia's foreign ministry said Moscow no longer considered itself bound by the moratorium on the deployment of short and medium-range nuclear missiles. 'The Russian foreign ministry's statement on the withdrawal of the moratorium on the deployment of medium- and short-range missiles is the result of Nato countries' anti-Russian policy,' Medvedev posted in English on X. 'This is a new reality all our opponents will have to reckon with. Expect further steps.' Medvedev, who now serves as deputy head of Russia's powerful Security Council, did not elaborate. The US withdrew from the Intermediate-Range Nuclear Forces (INF) treaty in 2019, citing Russian non-compliance. Russia later said it would not deploy such weapons provided that Washington did not do so. However, Sergei Lavrov, the foreign minister, signalled last December that Moscow would respond to what he called 'destabilising actions' by the US and Nato. 'Since the situation is developing towards the actual deployment of US-made land-based medium and short-range missiles in Europe and the Asia-Pacific region, the Russian foreign ministry notes that the conditions for maintaining a unilateral moratorium on the deployment of similar weapons have disappeared,' the ministry said in a statement. The INF treaty, signed in 1987 by Mikhail Gorbachev, the then Soviet leader and Ronald Reagan, the US president, eliminated an entire class of weapons – ground-launched missiles with a range of 500 to 5,500 kilometres (311 to 3,418 miles). Medvedev, seen initially in the West as a potential moderate and reformer, has become one of the most hawkish senior officials on foreign policy in Moscow. Mr Trump last Friday said he had ordered two nuclear submarines to be moved to 'the appropriate regions' in response to remarks from Medvedev about the risk of war between the nuclear-armed adversaries. Overnight, Russian strikes hit a railway station in eastern Ukraine, killing a mechanic and wounding four workers, the national rail company said. 'Russian terrorists inflicted a massive strike on the railway infrastructure of Lozova,' Ukrainian Railways said in a Telegram post. 'A duty mechanic of one of the units was killed, four more railway workers were wounded. All the wounded are receiving necessary medical care.' Several trains have been rerouted, it added. Lozova's mayor said two children were among the wounded and residential quarters had been damaged. 'Lozova has survived the most massive attack since the beginning of the war,' Sergiy Zelensky said in a Facebook post. Two people were also wounded in a separate Russian drone attack on Zaporizhzhia, the region's military administration said. Ukraine's air force meanwhile said air defence units had downed 29 Iranian-made Shahed drones overnight in the north and east of the country. It comes as a deadline set by Mr Trump for Russia to take steps to ending the war in Ukraine or face unspecified new sanctions looms. Three rounds of peace talks in Istanbul have failed to make headway on a possible ceasefire, with the two sides appearing as far apart as ever.


The Guardian
2 hours ago
- The Guardian
The conviction of Colombia's ex-president is a sign of hope amid autocracy's rise
On 25 October 1997, paramilitary groups descended upon the remote 300-person farming town of El Aro, in the Colombian state of Antioquia. Over the next five days, the drug-running paramilitaries slaughtered 17 people, raped multiple women and burned the town down, forcing the remaining townspeople to flee. The attorney Jesús María Valle had been pleading with the state governor, Álvaro Uribe, for over a year to stop the paramilitaries' brutal takeover of the countryside and collusion with the military. Instead, Uribe labeled Valle an 'enemy of the armed forces'. In a statement to prosecutors after the El Aro massacre, Valle asked for a full investigation into what he described as an 'alliance' in Antioquia among paramilitaries, the military and Uribe to kill civilians and seize their land, in the name of fighting the country's leftwing Farc guerrillas. Within days, two men in suits strode into Valle's law office in downtown Medellín and shot him dead. On 1 August, Uribe, who went on to become Colombia's president in 2002, was sentenced to 12 years of house arrest after a Colombian court convicted him of bribing a witness who had linked him to the paramilitaries. The conviction could still be overturned on appeal, but the fact that it has happened at all is a striking development that would have seemed almost inconceivable a decade or so ago. In a time of rising autocracy and abuse, including in the US, it also offers reasons for hope. For decades, Uribe seemed almost untouchable. As president, he gained domestic and international acclaim – including the US Presidential Medal of Freedom from George W Bush – because of his successes, with billions of dollars in US military aid, in beating back the abusive Farc. When I met him in 2004, he strode about his conference room, lecturing me and my then colleagues on how nobody had done more than he had to bring safety to the country. Glowing portrayals of Uribe's record at the time routinely glossed over his efforts to pass laws favoring the paramilitaries and to undermine investigations of their links to those in power. During his presidency, the Colombian supreme court conducted what became known as the 'parapolitics' investigations into about one-third of members of Congress for collusion – including in many cases electoral fraud – with the paramilitaries. Uribe engaged in a furious smear campaign against the justices and his intelligence service engaged in illegal surveillance of the justices and independent journalists. Yet over the years, senior paramilitary leaders have testified to the involvement of the army and Uribe's chief of staff in Antioquia, Pedro Juan Moreno, in the El Aro massacre. Multiple investigations have documented widespread collusion between paramilitaries and important sectors of the military and political establishment at the time. There is also evidence – including statements that I obtained in a prison interview with a paramilitary leader – that Uribe's office, when he was governor, had close ties to paramilitaries, and that Moreno approved Valle's murder. Uribe has repeatedly denied it all. The conviction this week emerged in the context of a supreme court investigation into allegations that Uribe started a paramilitary group in the 1990s. Uribe claimed early on that the allegations were manufactured by a member of congress, but the court found there was no basis to his claims. Instead, the supreme court ordered a new investigation into possible witness tampering by people working for Uribe (then a senator), including alleged payments to paramilitaries to change their testimony. Uribe quit his senate seat, forcing the case to be moved from the supreme court to a lower court, and – with prosecutors seemingly unwilling to move it forward – it looked for years like the case might just die out like many other previous investigations. However, with a new chief prosecutor in place, the case picked up steam again, finally resulting in this week's conviction. Not surprisingly, Donald Trump's US administration has been trying to discredit Colombia's courts, with Marco Rubio, the secretary of state, decrying the 'weaponization of Colombia's judicial branch'. But this is all now part of a tired playbook. It's the same rhetoric Trump and his allies have been using to discredit US courts – even Trump appointees – that have ruled against them. It's how Trump has talked about the case against his buddy Jair Bolsonaro in Brazil, and about the investigations conducted by the international criminal court. And it's how Uribe himself smeared activists like Jesús María Valle in the 1990s and sought to undermine the Colombian supreme court in the early 2000s. But, to me, this week's ruling stands for something else: that no matter how much power leaders may amass, they are not ultimately above the law. And no matter how desperate the situation, with courage and commitment, there is much we can do to create a path toward accountability. Maria McFarland Sánchez-Moreno is CEO of RepresentUs and the author of the award-winning book There Are No Dead Here: A Story of Murder and Denial in Colombia. She spearheaded Human Rights Watch's work on Colombia during most of Uribe's presidency