
The Guardian view on Britain's broken economy: ‘That's your bloody GDP, not ours'
The picture painted by official data for the UK economy in 2024 reveals a country broken by 14 years of Conservative party rule. True, the economy grew – somewhat unexpectedly – but GDP per head fell, showing prosperity didn't reach most people. There are a few reasons for this decline but none suggests a healthy society. One is runaway wealth inequality, with gains hoarded at the top. Another is stark regional disparities, with some areas falling further behind despite national GDP rising. A third is rising immigration without enough job creation – more workers, but not enough well-paying positions.
A growing economy means little if it doesn't improve living standards. In 2024, it didn't. This political reality has shaped recent years, and not in a good way. It's worth recalling a Newcastle woman's tart response to the political scientist Anand Menon in 2016 when he warned that Brexit would hit GDP: 'That's your bloody GDP, not ours.' That continuing frustration explains the current backlash against mainstream politicians. No wonder Sir Keir Starmer wants his party to be one of disruption.
Thursday's growth figures offer the prime minister a chance to break the mould of British politics. Unfortunately, he seems reluctant to act. What's clear from the statistics is that, in 2024, government spending drove growth – boosted by rising wages, especially in the public sector – rather than business investment or net trade. Labour could challenge the status quo with a new economic vision centred on the state. Instead, unfortunately, the government promotes the idea that growth depends on government inaction in the face of unfettered capitalism.
Statistics often disguise the state's role, framing public services as just another economic input rather than the engine of demand they are. This distortion makes the economy look more market-driven than reality, reinforcing neoliberal myths. The chancellor, Rachel Reeves, unfortunately, seems more eager to conform to these narratives than challenge them. She plans to cut public sector net borrowing from March 2025 to meet fiscal rules – austerity by another name. The last time this happened, post-2010, it led to a decade of weak growth and stagnant wages. The justice secretary, Shabana Mahmood, gets it. This week, she called out austerity's role in wrecking probation services. If she was trying to change the chancellor's mind, she deserves thanks. Britain can't afford years of cuts.
One of John Maynard Keynes' sharpest insights was what's good for society isn't always good for profits. That's why the Green Alliance, a thinktank, is right – injecting £3bn into discounting rail fares to boost passenger miles by 22% is smart economics. It's a win for regional growth, for the climate and for cleaner air. The state has the power to make capitalism work for the public – if it chooses to use it. But Labour's delay on releasing its industrial strategy is a worrying sign.
The UK must move away from a debt-driven, low-wage, financialised economic model. Public investment in infrastructure – especially in underserved regions – and in skills and industry is needed to stimulate demand and create high-quality jobs. Raising wages and reducing inequality will ensure broad-based prosperity, not just asset bubbles. The belief that 'markets know best' has prevented bold action on Britain's yawning economic divides and the climate emergency. After 40 years of weakening the state and rewarding rentier capitalism, reform is urgent. Labour must build a system that delivers it.
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The Guardian
16 minutes ago
- The Guardian
The Guardian view on Labour's tough choices: they are costing the government dearly
The Labour government's abrupt U-turn on winter fuel payments – restoring the benefit to more than three-quarters of pensioners – reveals less a change of heart than a sobering realisation in Westminster: after years of austerity, the public no longer gives politicians the benefit of the doubt. The irony is hard to miss. Labour set out to prove that 'grown-up' economics means difficult decisions – only to find that once trust is lost, voters won't accept vague promises without tangible results. It turns out many are sceptical that sacrifices will produce better results for society. That's why ministers are struggling to justify cuts to disability benefits as a way to 'fund' public services – or to convince the public that Britain can't afford to lift the two-child benefit cap even as ministers claim they will reduce child poverty. There may be more conspicuous retreats ahead for the government. Sir Keir Starmer and his chancellor, Rachel Reeves, had wanted a series of symbolic breaks with Labour's traditional base to prove that only by making tough choices could they deliver £113bn in new public investment. Instead, the last year has become a cautionary tale: ministers elected to repudiate Tory austerity are now seen to be replicating it – and voters have noticed, with Labour's poll numbers sliding as a result. In such a climate, appeals to fiscal rectitude don't receive gratitude but suspicion. The government's volte-face over pensioner benefits only reinforces the sense it was driven by a backlash, not conviction. This dynamic isn't new but it has radically reshaped Labour's own base – and should be a warning to the party for its future. Working-class voters once formed Labour's backbone; now many vote for no one at all. This isn't about lacking education or income. Throughout the postwar decades, working-class turnout matched that of the middle classes. As Geoffrey Evans and James Tilley of Oxford University wrote in their book The New Politics of Class, the drop came only when their political representation vanished. As parties converged and Labour abandoned its working-class roots, political choice disappeared. Labour's traditional base didn't stop voting because they couldn't – they stopped because there was nothing left to vote for. Brexit reshaped politics, but not as radically as many claim. Today's class politics has been built on culture wars and channelled through identity and belonging. The warning by the former Bank of England chief economist Andy Haldane that Nigel Farage is now seen by many as the closest thing Britain has to a 'tribune for the working class' should be taken seriously. Citing Reform UK's surge in the polls, he pointed to a 'moral rupture' between voters and mainstream politicians, accusing Labour of fuelling disillusionment through a weak growth strategy and unpopular decisions on benefits. While not declaring Reform the definitive working-class party, Mr Haldane stressed that what matters is perception – and right now, many working-class voters believe Mr Farage speaks for them more than anyone else. Labour's spending review this week looks like an attempt to reframe its offer around extra cash for frontline services such as health and education. That is welcome. Less so will be the real-terms cuts in unprotected departments that Ms Reeves's fiscal rules demand to account for such commitments. If this reset is not visible and felt by voters soon, the door swings open wider to Mr Farage and his hard-right politics.

Rhyl Journal
24 minutes ago
- Rhyl Journal
Spending review is ‘settled', says Downing Street
Chancellor Rachel Reeves is expected to announce funding increases for the NHS, schools and defence along with a number of infrastructure projects on Wednesday, as she shares out some £113 billion freed up by looser borrowing rules. But other areas could face cuts as she seeks to balance manifesto commitments with more recent pledges, such as a hike in defence spending, while meeting her fiscal rules that promise to match day-to-day spending with revenues. On Monday morning, Home Secretary Yvette Cooper was the last minister still to reach a deal with the Treasury, with reports suggesting greater police spending would mean a squeeze on other areas of her department's budget. Speaking to reporters on Monday afternoon, the Prime Minister's official spokesman said: 'The spending review is settled, we will be focused on investing in Britain's renewal so that all working people are better off. 'The first job of the Government was to stabilise the British economy and the public finances, and now we move into a new chapter to deliver the promise and change.' The Government has committed to spend 2.5% of gross domestic product on defence from April 2027, with a goal of increasing that to 3% over the next parliament – a timetable which could stretch to 2034. Ms Reeves' plans will also include an £86 billion package for science and technology research and development. Last week the Chancellor admitted that she had been forced to turn down requests for funding for projects she would have wanted to back, amid the Whitehall spending wrangling. Mayor of London Sir Sadiq Khan's office is concerned that Wednesday's announcement will include no new funding or projects for London. The mayor had been looking to secure extensions to the Docklands Light Railway and Bakerloo line on the Underground, along with the power to introduce a tourist levy and a substantial increase in funding for the Metropolitan Police. A source close to the mayor said on Monday that ministers 'must not return to the damaging, anti-London approach of the last government', adding this would harm both London's public services and 'jobs and growth across the country'. They said: 'Sadiq will always stand up for London and has been clear it would be unacceptable if there are no major infrastructure projects for London announced in the spending review and the Met doesn't get the funding it needs. 'We need backing for London as a global city that's pro-business, safe and well-connected.'


North Wales Chronicle
25 minutes ago
- North Wales Chronicle
Nato chief says UK's defence spending plans not at odds with 5% goal
The Nato chief would not reveal the deadline for when he hopes Nato allies will reach the target as he spoke at London's Chatham House. He said he had a 'clear view' on when he thinks countries should get there but said he would keep it to himself. Countries that do not ramp up defence spending should 'learn to speak Russian', he said. He had earlier commended the UK for plans unveiled in the strategic defence review last week as he met Sir Keir Starmer at Downing Street on Monday. Mr Rutte said the UK's goals to spend 2.5% on defence from April 2027 and then aim to get to 3% over the next parliament were not at odds with his own proposed target for the bloc. He has proposed members of the bloc spend 5% of gross domestic product (GDP) on defence as part of a strengthened investment plan for the alliance. The target would require nations to raise core defence spending to 3.5% of GDP, while the remaining 1.5% is to be made up of 'defence-related expenditure'. He said every country is 'working in cycles' and that he was 'really impressed' with the UK's plans under the strategic defence review unveiled last week. 'I've seen sometimes in the British press that there is the defence review and now there is this proposal I made about the 5%, the 3.5% core and 1.5% defence and security-related spending. 'So then people are saying 'hey there is discrepancy', I don't think there is. Why not? Because every country is working in cycles to constantly update its own defence strategy.' He said it was not up to him to decide how countries get there, when asked if he believed Chancellor Rachel Reeves should raise taxes to meet defence spending commitments. 'I mean, what I know is that if we want to keep our societies safe… look, if you do not do this, if you would not go to the 5%, including the 3.5% core defence spending, you could still have the National Health Service, or in other countries their health systems, the pension system, etcetera, but you had better learn to speak Russian.' The upcoming Nato summit would focus on a 'credible path' to get to the 'longer-term goal' of reaching 5%, he said. The 5% goal is not 'some figure plucked from the air', he said. 'The fact is we need a quantum leap in our defence. The fact is we must have more forces and capability to implement our defence plans in full.' While he said the 'exact details are classified', Mr Rutte said there needed to be a 400% increase in air and missile defence. He said Russia could be ready to use force against Nato within five years. 'The new generation of Russian missiles travel at many times the speed of sound. The distance between European capitals is only a matter of minutes. There is no longer east or west. There is just Nato.' As he met with Sir Keir in the White Room of No 10, he commended the Prime Minister on the 'very good stuff' in the defence review. 'It is not only about the traditional things, of course we need them, like ammunition… there is also drones, innovation, building the defence industrial base. It is really broad, it is really making a big impression in Brussels I can tell you,' he said. Sir Keir called Nato the 'cornerstone of our defence' and the 'most effective military alliance the world has ever seen', adding that the task of the upcoming summit was to make sure it serves that purpose for decades to come. Sir Keir also spoke to German Chancellor Friedrich Merz on Monday and the two leaders welcomed efforts by Nato allies to step up defence spending as well as Mr Rutte's suggestions to further boost it, a Downing Street spokeswoman said. The boost to the defence budget announced last week will be confirmed by Chancellor Rachel Reeves in her spending review on Wednesday, when she will set out the Government's priorities for the next three years.