
University of Edinburgh publishes Race Review into colonialist past
Nearly 50 recommendations were made following a subsequent policy report and the work was overseen by Scotland's first black professor, Professor Sir Geoff Palmer, who had seen a draft of the review and contributed to feedback before he died in June.
The report, Decolonised Transformations: Confronting the University of Edinburgh's History and Legacies of Enslavement and Colonialism, has been published online, amid a public pledge to address racial discrimination and inequality.
Archival research examined how the 'legacies of wealth' amassed from slavery and colonialism in the 17th and 18th centuries can be traced to contemporary endowments and capital campaigns, and how leading thinkers of the Scottish Enlightenment, who were also prominent University figures in the 18th Century, promoted theories of racial inferiority and white supremacism used to justify colonialism.
Last year, the University funded further research into its historical links with Arthur Balfour, who played a key role in the creation of Israel and was a former Chancellor of the university as well as Prime Minister and Conservative politician.
Sir Peter said: 'Only by fully engaging with and understanding the entirety of our institutional past can we truly learn and move forward. We are unwavering in our commitment to a future where racism, racial discrimination, and racialised inequalities have no place in higher education or society.
'We cannot have a selective memory about our past, focusing only on the historical achievements which make us feel proud.'
He paid tribute to Sir Geoff Palmour and said the work would 'honour his memory through our ongoing commitment to advancing race equality within our institution and in society more broadly' amid data showing under-representation of racially and ethnically minoritised staff and students, disparities in degree awarding and challenges in seeking support for racism.
Sir Geoff Palmer, Scotland's first black professor, who died in June 2025 (Jane Barlow/PA Wire)
Among recommendations in the report was the creation of a Naming Approval Committee to manage requests for naming or renaming University buildings in a bid to consider how it acknowledges its historic links to racism and colonialism on campus.
A response group identified actions as part of 'reparative justice', including continued research into racial injustice, strengthening connections with minoritised communities, boosting scholarships, as well as reinforcing anti-racist educational programmes, after the findings.
The university pledged to achieve 'meaningful change' and transparency, and to 'learn from and repair its past'.
Professor Tommy Curry, co-chairman of the Race Review's research and engagement working group, said: 'This review demonstrates a level of self-reflection that very few institutions have had the courage to embark on.
'We have fundamentally changed what we understood as the Scottish Enlightenment. We have shown that the study of racial difference had a major home here, and that there are legacies of discrimination that we still have to correct today.
'We hope our findings will enable the University to emerge as a better version of itself. This sets a standard for other institutions to not only reconsider their historical perspectives and legacies, but also their institutional culture.'
Dr Nicola Frith, co-chairwoman of the Race Review's research and engagement working group, said: 'We've placed a huge amount of effort into joining the dots between the past and present to uncover the impact on our students, staff and community from racially and ethnically minoritised communities.
'Now it can be in the business of producing decolonised and reparatory forms of knowledge that genuinely embrace and include those communities it has harmed in the way that it thinks, acts and is structured.'
Fiona McClement, co-leader of the Race Review response group, said: 'The University exists to produce and disseminate knowledge for the betterment of society.
'Now we need to look at what this means for our future, and how we can move forward within a framework of reparative justice principles.
'Our aspiration is to be an anti-racist organisation. We want to ensure that are a welcoming and nurturing environment in which all members of our community feel a sense of belonging, and can flourish and succeed without facing unjust racialised barriers'
Chris Cox, vice principal of philanthropy and advancement at the University of Edinburgh and chairman of the Race Review's policy report, said: 'Universities are all about opening up difficult conversations such as those raised by our Race Review.
'Our response isn't based on closing down these discussions, but on beginning new and important ones.
'In addressing our legacy, we have the chance to plan for a better future and celebrate the full diversity of our community.'
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The Herald Scotland
an hour ago
- The Herald Scotland
I found Sarah Vine's book unexpectedly heart-wrenching
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In the end it wasn't a clash of personalities, or infidelity or excessive drinking; or abnormal behaviour which sealed the split, but the sight of her husband choosing to absent himself with a book in the upstairs bedroom of their new home while she and her elderly mum (who had flown from Italy to help with the flitting) did all the heavy lifting. Before then, a sense of isolation had begun to settle on them both. The gradual, wretched realisation that for all their brains and unprivileged endeavour; for their wit and charisma, they'd never quite been accepted within their set. And that, when the chips were down and the balloon was up and the lights had gone out, a process of social exclusion by stealth was well underway. They had committed the cardinal sin of failing to acknowledge their place in the grand scheme: deference to the upper classes of High Toryism. To the naked, unschooled eye, they were both at the very apex of England's social, political and cultural food chain. 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It's all rather glorious and we're treated to occasional forays into the inter-marital houghmagandie of the upper crust, because, we all know that the High Tories are all fond of their shagging and probably still claim a bit of your 'droit de seigneur' This is most memorably narrated when a bright and loyal Tory adviser, is hinted to be conducting an affair with Samantha Cameron's stepfather, William Astor. This unravelled in what seemed a most cut-glass, English manner. There were no names and no big red-top screamer … just an unmarked entry by the Mail's kenspeckle diarist, Richard Kay hinting at a tryst. And lo, she was gone and never heard of again, while the old goat emerged relatively unscathed. It's here that I must offer some words of advice to Ms Vine. If her book makes it into paperback and thence into a Netflix adaptation (virtually guaranteed) please be rid of the cover on this hardback edition. It's dreadful and exceedingly low-calibre, showing a woman lying fully prone and face down. It channels an energy that's entirely at odds with the dynamics of Ms Vine's rise, fall and recovery. How Not to be a Political Wife: HarperCollins £20


Scotsman
2 hours ago
- Scotsman
Polarising Donald Trump's North Sea comments tapped into growing frustration
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Telegraph
2 hours ago
- Telegraph
What does it mean to be an ‘authentic conservative'? Three writers give their view
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Jesse Norman: it is about practical solutions that serve Britain Conservatism in Britain has never been a slogan or a cult of personality. It is a tradition arising from our history, our Parliament and our constitution. At its best, conservatism distrusts ideology and its easy certainties, let alone the rootless and corrosive flattery of populism. Real conservatism is practical. It knows that our liberties and prosperity come from hard work, and the long grind of political reform. It respects the grain of this country: our armed forces, schools and, yes, universities; the Church, the charities and local councils that knit communities together. It insists that the Government should help people to take responsibility for their lives, not grab powers to itself. As a political party, the Conservatives have been repeatedly attacked for their record after 2010. But in many places the story is a notable one and worthy of robust defence: the long, slow recovery from the global financial crisis to which Labour had left this country so exposed; massively effective schools reform; the gradual introduction of universal credit, which performed brilliantly during the pandemic; our immediate and resolute support for Ukraine after it was invaded by Russia in 2022. Why did these initiatives succeed? Because they were inspired by core conservative principles of fiscal prudence, the desire to reform public services and the defence of Europe. But Conservatives should also accept that some decisions after 2010 were not conservative. Interventions in Libya and Syria were marked more by speed than prudence. Major projects such as HS2 were launched without the care and scrutiny they demanded. Net zero was agreed after one short Commons debate. Inadequate steps were taken to curb legal and illegal migration. A succession of referendums unsettled our constitutional balance and exposed deep national divisions. The lesson is clear. Conservatism works when it is steady, serious, and focused on practical solutions that reflect its core belief in preserving what is best in British society. Neil O'Brien: it is about accountability Conservatives believe in accountability. Since the Blair era we have seen far too much power handed to law courts, quangos and international bodies that aren't accountable to the British public. Power without accountability means bad decisions. This has created a topsy-turvy, two-tier Britain: the rights of prolific criminals, illegal immigrants and benefit claimants are prioritised over the rights of the law-abiding and hard-working. Rule by lawyers also explains why we can't cut welfare spending or build the infrastructure we need to grow. We also believe in order. The first duty of the Government is to keep citizens safe. That means a return to no-nonsense policing. We should be focused on catching criminals, not policing what people say or think. And it means ending endless community sentences and slaps on the wrist for serious crimes. Conservatives know that a disorderly environment breeds anti-social behaviour and crime. Yet under Labour our capital stinks of weed, tube trains are covered in graffiti and petty crimes like fare dodging are becoming normalised. Conservatives believe in the nation. We took back control from the EU. We must now drastically cut immigration. As Kemi Badenoch says: the country must be 'a home, not a hotel'. We can't have a strong, united nation with a transient and constantly churning population. We also believe in the family and individual responsibility. Fairness means people getting what they deserve based on their individual actions and merits. People should be able to build something up – a family home, a farm, a business, some savings – without it being plundered by the Government. It means welfare for those who really need it, not a system that costs taxpayers ever more and traps people in a cycle of dependency. And conservatives believe in free markets. Under Labour we are in an economic doom loop. Higher taxation and more regulation lead to stagnation. Higher borrowing sends the Chancellor scrambling for yet higher taxes. Massive changes are needed to break out of this spiral, and make Britain a good place to grow a business. We believe in sound money: unlike others, we will not make fantasy promises that can never be delivered.