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‘Can Reach Anywhere…' Israel Warns Houthis After ‘First' Missile Attack By Sea On Yemen's Hodeidah

‘Can Reach Anywhere…' Israel Warns Houthis After ‘First' Missile Attack By Sea On Yemen's Hodeidah

News1810-06-2025
Last Updated: Crux World
On June 10, Israel carried out its first-ever naval strike on Yemen's Hodeidah port, targeting Iran-backed Houthi rebels. The IDF said the port was used for weapons transfers, justifying the strike as retaliation for Houthi aggression. Israel's defence minister warned of continued naval and aerial actions if threats persist. The attack followed evacuation warnings issued by the IDF to civilians near key Red Sea ports. It also came a day after a reported failed missile launch from Yemen towards Israel. Meanwhile, reports suggest the Houthis are facing a financial crisis and have requested urgent military and monetary aid from Iran.0:00 INTRO2:50 'EVACUATE NOW FOR YOUR OWN SAFETY'4:15 ISRAEL AVENGES 'FAILED' HOUTHI BALLISTIC MISSILE ATTACK?5:11 HOUTHIS RUN OUT OF FUNDS? n18oc_crux
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Donbas question – The most ‘Russian' part of Ukraine between Putin, Zelensky and Trump
Donbas question – The most ‘Russian' part of Ukraine between Putin, Zelensky and Trump

Mint

timea few seconds ago

  • Mint

Donbas question – The most ‘Russian' part of Ukraine between Putin, Zelensky and Trump

As negotiations to end the war in Ukraine gather momentum between Vladimir Putin, Donald Trump, and Volodymyr Zelensky, the focus has once again returned to the Donbas — a region whose history, identity and resources have made it central to Russia's ambitions and Ukraine's struggle for sovereignty. The Donbas — comprising the eastern regions of Donetsk and Luhansk — was once the industrial heartland of the Soviet Union, known for its coal mines, steel mills and fertile farmland. For the Kremlin, however, its significance extends beyond economics. The Donbas has historically been the most 'Russian' part of Ukraine, with a sizeable Russian-speaking population and lingering cultural ties to Moscow. It was here, in 2014, that Russian President Vladimir Putin began destabilising Ukraine after annexing Crimea, supporting armed separatists who swiftly seized control of Donetsk and Luhansk. Since then, the Donbas region has become the epicentre of Russia's claim to defend 'compatriots abroad' and secure what Putin sees as the cornerstone of a 'greater Russia'. For nearly eight years before the full-scale invasion of 2022, fighting raged between Ukrainian forces and Russian-backed separatists. More than 14,000 people were killed, according to Kyiv's figures, while at least 1.5 million fled the region. Today, over three million are estimated to live under Russian occupation. Moscow has entrenched its presence, issuing hundreds of thousands of Russian passports in separatist-controlled areas. Following sham referenda in 2022, the Kremlin illegally annexed Donetsk and Luhansk, along with Kherson and Zaporizhzhia, despite only partial control of the territories. For Vladimir Putin, these annexations represent a point of no return. Unlike previous military withdrawals, giving up 'Russian land' formally absorbed into the Federation would undermine his central narrative of restoring historic Russia. Despite Moscow's advances, Ukraine still controls a strategic 'fortress belt' of industrial cities and transport hubs — including Sloviansk, Kramatorsk and Kostiantynivka — that block further Russian penetration westward. For President Volodymyr Zelensky, surrendering these areas would not only dishonour the sacrifices of Ukrainian soldiers but also expose central Ukraine to fresh offensives. About three-quarters of Ukrainians oppose ceding any territory, according to surveys, making territorial concessions politically toxic in Kyiv. The Donbas cannot be separated from Crimea, another flashpoint in Russia–Ukraine tensions. Moscow seized the peninsula in 2014 after pro-European protests toppled President Viktor Yanukovych. A disputed referendum was staged, claiming overwhelming support for joining Russia, though international governments dismissed it as fabricated. Vladimir Putin has consistently framed Crimea's annexation as correcting a 'historical wrong' dating back to its 1954 transfer to Ukraine. Yet research suggests that many Crimeans identified not as pro-Russian nationalists but as distinctly 'Crimean' or Ukrainian. Ukraine's Volodymyr Zelensky has repeatedly argued that the West's failure to resist the 2014 annexation emboldened Russia's Putin to expand the war. 'Crimea should not have been given up then,' he said recently, warning that peace must be 'lasting, not temporary'. Analysts believe Russia may need years to consolidate its occupation of Donetsk and Luhansk. Ukraine, meanwhile, faces the dual challenge of defending its remaining positions and persuading allies not to pressure it into territorial concessions. For Europe and the West, the stakes extend far beyond Ukraine's borders. To allow Moscow to keep land seized by force would, in their view, dismantle the very principle of a rules-based international order. As in 2025, the Donbas remains the crucible of Putin's ambitions — and Zelensky's most difficult test in his effort to defend not just territory, but the idea of a sovereign Ukraine.

How an Obscure Firm Bet on the Trumps and Became Their Go-To Dealmaker
How an Obscure Firm Bet on the Trumps and Became Their Go-To Dealmaker

Hindustan Times

time30 minutes ago

  • Hindustan Times

How an Obscure Firm Bet on the Trumps and Became Their Go-To Dealmaker

In order to become a trusted financial partner of the world's most powerful family, it helps to buy low. Dominari Holdings CEO Anthony Hayes, sitting, and President Kyle Wool at Trump Tower in New York. That partly explains how a tiny onetime biotech firm with nearly a quarter-billion in accumulated losses transformed into something of an in-house investment bank for the Trump family's business empire, handling everything from crypto to manufacturing deals. The unusual ascent of the firm now known as Dominari Holdings began in 2021. Donald Trump's approval ratings had tanked following the Jan. 6 Capitol riot that year. Democratic lawmakers and prosecutors were probing Trump and his company over what would become a slew of criminal and civil charges. Virtually no one on Wall Street was betting on Trump. Around the same time, Dominari Chief Executive Anthony Hayes was pondering a jump from the hit-or-miss work of drug development to the rough-and-tumble world of finance. He brought pal and Wall Street veteran Kyle Wool onto his board, and together they soon sought out bigger office space for their operation. They could have gone anywhere, but decided on a then-infamous piece of Manhattan real estate. 'If we're going to do something and we're going to build it from scratch, what about we grab a little space in Trump Tower?' Hayes said in a recent interview. The choice was made with a larger plan in mind. Trump's unlikely political comeback fueled an explosion of new business for his family, renewing criticisms that they are profiting off America's highest office and the connections that come with it. The burst of activity has created opportunities for a host of advisers like Dominari who for the most part weren't blue-chip names on Wall Street. Cantor Fitzgerald, now led in part by Commerce Secretary Howard Lutnick's sons, has advised Trump Media on a plan to buy billions in bitcoin. New Jersey-based Yorkville Advisors was retained to help manage Trump-branded exchange-traded funds. After acting as a sounding board for Eric Trump and Donald Trump Jr. on their own investments, Dominari has become a go-to dealmaker for the scions. It was a key player in the creation of a Trump-backed bitcoin-mining firm as well as an ongoing attempt to take a U.S. manufacturer public. The firm's move into the inner circle didn't happen overnight. Hayes and Wool began bumping into the sons soon after setting up shop in Trump Tower. Charity golf tournaments and meals with mutual friends helped solidify the relationship. An avid golfer, Wool has previously hit the links with hockey legend Wayne Gretzky, who is credited with advising players to skate where the puck is going, not where it has been. Dominari's executives frequently cite that cliché in describing their focus on emerging technologies like crypto and AI. But on Wall Street, where relationships translate to money and power, the concept also applies to making the right friends at the right time. 'Do they dictate to us what we do? Absolutely not,' said Hayes, 57 years old. 'Do Eric and Don have relationships that we are able to kind of help leverage to make our deals better? Yes.' With brokers working the phones just a few stories beneath the president's sons, Dominari in recent years expanded to a second floor in Trump Tower where Wool, a member of Trump National Golf Club in Jupiter, Fla., has an office overlooking Central Park. 'It was a very good price [compared] to what it is today,' the 48-year-old said. Propped a few feet from his desk, a framed photo shows Wool, Hayes and others at a Dominari charity event at Trump's Bedminster, N.J., golf club, grinning alongside the president. Kyle Wool, president of Dominari Holdings, is reflected through an old photo with President Trump. Mastering finance Dominari launched 58 years and two name changes ago. First known as Spherix, it more recently did business as AIkido Pharma, a publicly traded firm that researched everything from pancreatic cancer drugs to ketamine's potential for treating Alzheimer's. As biotech stocks soared during the pandemic, the money-losing AIkido issued equity that helped it amass a cash pile reaching $66 million by the end of 2021. Hayes turned to financial markets—and Wool—in search of growth. Wool boasted a deep Rolodex from years of banking at Morgan Stanley and elsewhere. Organizing special-purpose vehicles that allowed wealthy clients to pool money for exclusive deals, he helped AIkido begin betting on private companies such as Elon Musk's SpaceX, defense-technology firm Anduril and Fortnite developer Epic Games. 'It's not the easiest thing in the world to access those,' Wool said. 'We made people a lot of money.' The strategy took shape around the time AIkido signed its first Trump Tower lease. 'I often saw their team at work in Trump Tower, always focused on something innovative and exciting,' Eric Trump said. AIkido bought a registered broker-dealer firm, expanded its Trump Tower footprint and rebranded as Dominari. The Latin term means 'to be the master of.' Wool became Dominari's president. Soo Yu, his wife, also joined the board. The new firm initially struggled, pulling in $2 million of revenue in 2023 en route to a nearly $23 million net loss, according to securities filings. But it nurtured early clients, hosting charity events in recent years at Trump clubs. Revenue jumped in 2024 through deals with mostly small businesses, including an initial public offering for the Don Jr.-backed drone manufacturer Unusual Machines. Still, Dominari's cash pile had dwindled. Its accumulated deficit—losses that piled up on its books over decades—reached $223 million in December. Shares ended last year below $1 apiece. Dominari Holdings' office inside Trump Tower in New York. Trump infusion The Trumps gave Dominari a shot in the arm. Weeks after the president's inauguration, Eric and Don Jr. each purchased $1 million of Dominari stock in a $13.5 million financing round, according to securities filings. The pair got additional stock upon being named advisers, sending Dominari shares skyrocketing as high as 1200% above where they started the year. With 6.7% ownership stakes valued above $6 million apiece, the Trump sons are the firm's largest shareholders outside of Hayes, Wool and Yu, according to FactSet. Three other Trump Organization officials now round out Dominari's advisory board. In February, as President Trump's crypto business ventures and pro-crypto policy agenda took shape, Dominari began funneling money into bitcoin exchange-traded funds, amassing $2 million in holdings by the end of March, according to securities filings. The firm also invested with the Trumps in a data-center startup that became part of American Bitcoin, a crypto-mining venture set to go public in the coming weeks. 'Do Eric and Don influence me, or do I influence them?' Wool said. 'I think we're just like-minded.' Dominari has helped American Bitcoin raise $220 million, according to a securities filing. The fee for its part in that equity sale: $4.8 million. Wool said the Trump brothers have also been involved in some of Dominari's other investments, which have recently included SPVs betting on tech companies such as Musk's xAI and SpaceX. 'Sometimes they are just a passive investor,' he said, 'and sometimes they want to lean into something.' The latest instance of that came this month with the creation of a special-purpose acquisition company, a vehicle used to take businesses public while avoiding some of the red tape of a traditional public offering. Advised by Eric, Don Jr. and Wool, the SPAC aims to raise $300 million to buy a U.S. manufacturer. Eric and Don Jr.'s combined 5 million shares in that blank-check firm could be worth millions of dollars or more. Securities filings show Dominari, the offering's lead underwriter, will be awarded 1.1 million shares upon the deal's closing. Reach for the sun Even on deals in which their new advisers aren't publicly involved, Hayes and Wool have benefited from the Trumps' networks. In June, the bank helped crypto project Tron merge with a listed toy maker called SRM. The deal revolved around Tron founder Justin Sun, who faced market-manipulation charges from the Securities and Exchange Commission in a case that was recently paused. Sun invested $75 million in World Liberty Financial, the crypto venture backed by the Trump family, and amassed more than $20 million of the president's memecoin to earn VIP treatment at a gala dinner for coinholders. Wool said he met Sun through a mutual friend whose last name wasn't Trump. 'Did [Sun] ask Eric if I'm a good person? Yes, he did,' Wool said. 'That was Eric's involvement.' Hayes and Wool think Sun is a generational talent who will outlast crypto's notorious boom-and-bust cycles. Before the Tron deal was announced, an SPV organized by Yu in May threw $5 million into SRM, securities filings show. The investment in stock and warrants, which earned Dominari a $300,000 commission, would be worth more than $120 million based on Tron's current share price. It was the type of exclusive deal that Wool said hedge funds and executives are increasingly calling to get in on. 'Now you wanna be my buddy?' said Wool, who rang the Nasdaq opening bell last week. 'I don't need it.' Write to David Uberti at How an Obscure Firm Bet on the Trumps and Became Their Go-To Dealmaker How an Obscure Firm Bet on the Trumps and Became Their Go-To Dealmaker How an Obscure Firm Bet on the Trumps and Became Their Go-To Dealmaker

Strange NCPCR challenging order granting protection to couple: SC
Strange NCPCR challenging order granting protection to couple: SC

News18

time40 minutes ago

  • News18

Strange NCPCR challenging order granting protection to couple: SC

Agency: New Delhi, Aug 19 (PTI) The Supreme Court on Tuesday found it 'strange" that the National Commission for Protection of Child Rights (NCPCR) was challenging the Punjab and Haryana High Court's order granting protection to a Muslim couple apprehending threat to life. While dismissing the NCPCR's plea, a bench of Justices B V Nagarathna and R Mahadevan wondered how the commission was aggrieved by the high's 2022 order which noted the marriage of a Muslim girl was governed by the Muslim Personal Law. The high court order said the girl, who married a 21-year-old man, was aged over 16 years. 'We fail to see as to how the NCPCR can be aggrieved by such an order. If the high court in exercise of its jurisdiction under Article 226 of the Constitution seeks to extend protection to two individuals, it is strange that the NCPCR is challenging such an order," the top court said. It said the NCPCR had no locus standi to challenge the order. The bench told the NCPCR's counsel that the commission was a 'stranger" to the litigation. 'Two people have come and they have asked for protection from the court. The court has granted protection and you are challenging that order?" the bench asked. The NCPCR's counsel said the high court order was challenged considering the question of law involved in the matter. Pointing out there was no question of law, the bench said how the NCPCR, meant for the protection of children, could challenge an order granting protection. The bench also dismissed a separate plea filed by the NCPCR against another order of the same high court. 'Take up better causes than this," the bench told the NCPCR's counsel. The top court also dismissed other plea challenging the high court's orders. In its September 2022 order, the high court directed the 16-year-old girl's custody to be handed over to the petitioner husband and noted both were Muslims. The high court referred to a verdict which said marriage of a Muslim girl continues to be governed by the personal law of Muslims. According to the verdict, 15 years was the age of puberty of a Muslim female and on her own willingness and consent, after attaining puberty, she can marry a person of her choice and such a marriage would not be void in terms of section 12 of the Prohibition of Child Marriage Act, 2006. PTI ABA ABA AMK AMK (This story has not been edited by News18 staff and is published from a syndicated news agency feed - PTI) view comments First Published: August 19, 2025, 17:45 IST Disclaimer: Comments reflect users' views, not News18's. Please keep discussions respectful and constructive. Abusive, defamatory, or illegal comments will be removed. News18 may disable any comment at its discretion. By posting, you agree to our Terms of Use and Privacy Policy. Loading comments...

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