logo
Strengthening Civic Health: How CivicLex Is Revitalizing Local Democracy

Strengthening Civic Health: How CivicLex Is Revitalizing Local Democracy

Forbes23-05-2025

The founder of CivicLex in Lexington, Kentucky, discusses how his work is redefining what's possible in community and civic life – showing that in an era of national uncertainty, the most meaningful democratic renewal can begin locally.
Ashoka: Richard, let's start at the beginning – what made you want to create CivicLex?
Richard Young
Richard Young: Through my previous work, I'd spent a lot of time around local government, and I kept seeing this lack of meaningful public engagement – only a small group of people were showing up to meetings. I'd watch these major policy decisions move through with hardly any public input. But then, like clockwork, right before any policy would pass, people would suddenly appear opposing it: "Why wasn't I told about this earlier? This feels like it's being done to me instead of with me." The thing is, these policies take a year or two to develop before they ever get to council for a vote. I realized that a couple of well-organized people could actually make a real impact on local decisions.
This was around 2016, when national politics felt so divisive, and I wanted to build something that could make people feel good about contributing to our community's civic life again. I ended up getting a small $5,000 grant from the Knight Foundation to do work around civic information in our public transportation system, and that helped seed the idea for CivicLex.
Ashoka: How does your team approach civic engagement differently?
Young: We focus on three core things: civic knowledge, social cohesion, and building responsive institutions. First, people need to actually understand how civic life works. It's not something we're taught in school, and with local news shrinking, there's just less access to information about local decision-making. So our team teaches thousands of students how local government actually works. We also run adult workshops on civic processes, and we operate as a local newsroom covering city hall. Second, relationships are crucial, so we focus on social cohesion – how do we all build relationships with people who are different from us, and across different levels of civic power? Everyone should be able to talk to civic leaders and share their perspectives. We foster these relationships through events and by improving public spaces where people naturally meet. And third, our civic institutions need processes that actually welcome people into decision-making. If people show up wanting to participate and the process is terrible, they're not coming back. So we work with institutions to make participation meaningful for the public and helpful for government, too.
Ashoka: How do you work with local government in the mutually beneficial way you describe?
Young: For starters, we don't advocate for policy outcomes like affordable housing or minimum wage. Instead, we advocate for changes in process, which is a distinction the government recognizes. If we supported specific policies, our relationship would fundamentally change. We also approach our work with humility. People in government have decades of experience and really rich ideas about public engagement. If you come in saying, "You all aren't good at public engagement," you're discounting people who've put their lives into public service. So we build relationships and collaborate at the speed of trust. We also demonstrate a value proposition: good public engagement can actually convert opponents to supporters. Nothing helps in local government like having someone show up to say "yes," because almost always people show up to say "no."
Ashoka: Can you share an example of success in changing government processes?
Young: Sure. During Covid, when we were meeting virtually, our city suspended public comment because white supremacists were Zoom-bombing meetings. We reached out to a council member and said, "This is bad, and we get why you suspended it, but the process was broken to begin with. Could this be a starting point for actually fixing this?" So we surveyed about 1,000 residents and 85 top city staff about the legislative process, and when we asked where people should provide input, a significant majority of both the public and officials said "as early as possible." This revealed an unknown consensus. We then made 15 recommendations to change meeting structures and participation methods. The city adopted 13 of those 15, including creating two new types of pre-legislative council meetings to get public input before legislation even enters the stream.
Ashoka: Civic engagement can be difficult to get excited about after a long day at work. How do you flip the script and make it something people want to do?
Young: We've all experienced how learning about civic engagement and government processes can be boring, right? Convincing people to participate can be like convincing someone to eat spinach. If we want more participation from all groups, we've got to make it something people actually want to do. Following the pandemic, there's this real hunger for community and we try to build on that. In our educational events, like workshops on the city budget, we include games like "The Price is Right" where people guess dollar amounts about city government. We also host purely social events. We've invited people to paint pumpkins with elected officials, build birdhouses, and attend pancake breakfasts. These spaces build relationships because you're not trying to convince anyone of anything – you're just having fun together. All the decisions being made by local government are serious – they can literally add or subtract years from people's lives. But if you talk about it that way, it sounds like taking medicine. People don't want lectures, they want fun.
Ashoka: CivicLex is a powerful place-based model for civic engagement. How do you think about impact and scale?
Young: We're missing crucial civic infrastructure in our country, with too many organizations going broad rather than deep. The Elks Clubs, Rotary Clubs, local press – these were important because they were contextualized to place, making them feel authentic and rooted. Now, everything's watered down, trying to appeal nationally. The natural inclination would be to make this a national organization with "CivicLexes" everywhere, but that's like taking two tablespoons of peanut butter and spreading it over a whole loaf instead of one slice. We see another way to grow, and we've had over 100 communities reach out about building similar organizations. Where there's demand, we want to share our lessons, show how these three impacts work together, and help communities build something that actually works for them.
Ashoka: What's next for CivicLex?
Young: We're thinking about our role in this tense political moment and especially want to amp up our work on relationship building and social cohesion. We have big projects coming up focused on potential changes to our city government structure, and we're planning to expand to include our public school system. The big thing I'm focused on is how this becomes like the library – an institution that feels permanent, that people will access for decades to come to help them feel a sense of agency over their lives. And now that we feel secure in who we are, we're thinking about how we can help other communities build something similar but tailored to their needs.
Richard Young is an Ashoka Fellow.
This interview was condensed for length and clarity by Ashoka.

Orange background

Try Our AI Features

Explore what Daily8 AI can do for you:

Comments

No comments yet...

Related Articles

Trump, DOJ threaten Calif. with legal action, fines after trans athlete's win
Trump, DOJ threaten Calif. with legal action, fines after trans athlete's win

Washington Post

time22 minutes ago

  • Washington Post

Trump, DOJ threaten Calif. with legal action, fines after trans athlete's win

Days after a 16-year-old transgender athlete placed first in two events at the California state track-and-field championship, the Trump administration is threatening legal action and 'large scale' fines over the state's policy allowing trans athletes to compete in high school sports. In a letter addressed to the state's public school districts, Harmeet Dhillon, who heads the Justice Department's Civil Rights Division, said on Monday that the California Interscholastic Federation violates the Constitution's Equal Protection Clause with its bylaw stating that all students 'should have the opportunity to participate in CIF activities in a manner that is consistent with their gender identity, irrespective of the gender listed on a student's records.' The letter directed school districts to certify in writing by June 9 that they wouldn't follow the bylaw.

Cities Consider Using Eminent Domain For Unholy Property Seizures
Cities Consider Using Eminent Domain For Unholy Property Seizures

Forbes

time24 minutes ago

  • Forbes

Cities Consider Using Eminent Domain For Unholy Property Seizures

A person takes a picture of the childhood home of the new Pope Leo XIV in Dolton, Illinois, (Photo ... More by KAMIL KRZACZYNSKI/AFP via Getty Images) Robert Prevost grew up in a modest home in the south Chicago suburb of Dolton, Illinois. Recently, a realty company purchased that old home, fixed it up, and put it up for sale. Then a few weeks ago, Robert Prevost became Pope Leo XIV. Now that modest home is in demand. The house is supposed to be auctioned off, with bidding starting at $250,000. How much of a premium will people pay for the childhood home of a Pope? Ten percent? Twenty? Nobody knows because this hasn't happened before—we can't make a guess based on past sales of 'childhood Pope homes.' And we may never find out. Dolton officials are threatening to use eminent domain to force a sale so the home can become a publicly accessible historic site. But while taking the home for a public use meets the constitution's requirements to take property, the price the city ends up paying could be less than divine. When the government takes property through eminent domain, the constitution says it must pay 'just compensation' for the property, which courts say is whatever price the property would fetch on the open market. But figuring out what that price is can be tricky, and the government often stiffs property owners when it can get away with it. ProPublica had a series of articles several years ago showing how the federal government paid very different prices for property depending on whether owners could afford attorneys. That's where the planned auction would have been helpful. After all, the best evidence of how big a 'Pope premium' the house commands on the open market would be an auction on the open market. And that may well be why the city moved so quickly: In May, city officials darkly warned the current owner to make sure bidders knew 'their 'purchase' may be only temporary since the Village intends to begin the eminent domain process very shortly.' If the city can suppress bids at the auction, it leaves itself the option of arguing that the real value of the property is what the home was on sale for before the Pope's elevation: $199,900. It could even argue it should be lower than that. The Pope himself has been quite busy and hasn't commented specifically on what should happen with his old family home, but Christian Britschgi writing for Reason noted that his first included the line: "[Saint] Peter must shepherd the flock without ever yielding to the temptation to be an autocrat.' The actual 'fair market' price for a Pope's childhood home may be high or it may be low, but Dolton shouldn't be afraid of the truth. And it shouldn't be using public power to try to stop the current owners' efforts to find out exactly what their property is worth in the real world. Meanwhile, a city in New Jersey is considering another unholy use of eminent domain, except here it is directed squarely at a church. In Toms River, the Christ Episcopal Church wants to open a small homeless shelter on its property. But the town has a different plan for the church's property: pickleball courts and a skate park. Christ Episcopal hosts a number of community programs, including an affordable housing nonprofit. That nonprofit recently submitted plans to the zoning board for a 17-bed overnight shelter on the church property. Like many areas across America, rising home prices have contributed to rising homelessness across New Jersey. One group estimates that the number of homeless residents in the region has doubled in recent years. But for the mayor of Toms River, a new park complex along the city's eponymous river is a priority. He said the church's property is, 'a great opportunity for parking, for recreation.' Broader plans for the area include taking nearby waterfront property to build a tiki bar and jet ski rentals. The church found out about the effort to seize its property a mere 24 hours before the city council first considered a measure. It passed by a 4-3 vote in a contentious meeting where council members yelled at each other. A second approval may come this week. That the vote to take the property came just three weeks before the zoning board considered the application for the shelter is far too convenient. The Fifth Amendment allows government to take property for public use and parks usually fit that definition. But the town doesn't want a park so much as it doesn't want a homeless shelter. Whether or not this kind of bad faith use of eminent domain is constitutional is a somewhat open question. For instance, in nearby Connecticut the state supreme court rejected an attempt to stop an affordable housing development with sham playing fields. Massachusetts, Georgia, and Rhode Island similarly prohibit these so-called pre-textual takings. Last fall, the Supreme Court almost took up the case of a Long Island hardware store chain that lost its property to a town for a 'passive park' (the town had no plan to develop the land). Justices Thomas, Gorsuch, and Alito said they would have granted the case but four votes are needed to achieve Supreme Court review. Pretextual takings are an incredible threat to private property. As long as the government is willing to pay the 'fair market' price practically any property can be seized. That market price doesn't include whatever an owner might spend in court trying to keep their property. Challenging even the most outlandish use of eminent domain could mean coming out the other end of the process without a home or business and poorer for it. The Asbury Park Press speculated that the New Jersey episcopal diocese's poor financial situation may be a consideration in whether it negotiates or resists. For now though, the church has indicated it will fight and it has support from other area houses of worship. The mayor has talked about the need to 'balance the hardships' of a community without a park and speculated that the church congregants could simply 'drive to a different location every Sunday.' This is a grim view of governing that is fundamentally at odds with America's traditions of property and religious rights. Christ Episcopal has been in Toms River since 1865 and it wants to use its property to fulfill its religious mission to care for the poor at no expense to the town. The mayor wants to provide convenient recreation at cost to the taxpayers. The U.S. Constitution gave government the power of eminent domain but courts shouldn't merely roll over whenever government presents a plan to take private property. The Fifth Amendment also says that no one should be deprived of their property without due process of law. When the government presents an unholy use of eminent domain, judges should consider all the facts and uphold justice.

Pamela Bach-Hasselhoff's last call to daughter came shortly before her death
Pamela Bach-Hasselhoff's last call to daughter came shortly before her death

Fox News

time24 minutes ago

  • Fox News

Pamela Bach-Hasselhoff's last call to daughter came shortly before her death

This story discusses suicide. If you or someone you know is having thoughts of suicide, please contact the Suicide & Crisis Lifeline at 988 or 1-800-273-TALK (8255). Details on Pamela Bach-Hasselhoff's sudden death have been revealed. According to the Los Angeles Medical Examiner's report obtained by Fox News Digital, Bach-Hasselhoff died from a self-inflicted gunshot wound on March 5. The report also stated that the benzodiazepines clonazepam and 7-aminoclonazepam were in her system at the time of her death. According to the Mayo Clinic, clonazepam and 7-aminoclonazepam can be used to treat panic disorders. Bach-Hasselhoff's final words were revealed in the medical examiner's report. At approximately 7:45 am on March 5, Bach-Hasselhoff called her daughter and said that she "loved her very much." After the call, her daughter called and texted her throughout the day and "never" received a response, the report stated. Bach-Hasselhoff's daughter went to her mother's house to perform a wellness check and found her "unresponsive" on her bed. The report alleges that Bach-Hasselhoff "mentioned suicide last year, but there were never any attempts" and that she was "depressed." The report did not name Bach-Hasselhoff's daughter. Pamela and her ex-husband, David Hasselhoff, met on the set of "Knight Rider" and married in 1989. They welcomed their two daughters, Taylor and Hayley, in 1990 and 1992 and divorced in 2006. "Our family is deeply saddened by the recent passing of Pamela Hasselhoff," David shared on social media at the time of Pamela's death. "We are grateful for the outpouring of love and support during this difficult period but kindly request privacy as we grieve and navigate through this challenging time." Pamela and David appeared alongside each other in "Baywatch" for 10 seasons. She also landed roles in "The Young and the Restless," "The Fall Guy" and "Sirens." Pamela celebrated her family in the last post she shared on Instagram. "As we step into 2025, my heart is full of gratitude, especially for my precious grandbaby, London," the actress wrote on New Year's Eve. "Watching her grow and seeing her smile light up my world is truly the greatest blessing. My wish for all of you this year is health, happiness, and an abundance of love. May 2025 be filled with beautiful moments, laughter, and all the blessings your hearts can hold." "Here's to a year of making cherished memories, spreading joy, and embracing every precious moment!" After a 16-year marriage, David filed for divorce from Pamela, citing irreconcilable differences. The divorce was finalized in 2006, and the court awarded joint custody of their daughters. "I've always loved him and always will, and have love and compassion for him," Pamela told The Associated Press at the time. "It's a very, very sad day, but a day to move on."

DOWNLOAD THE APP

Get Started Now: Download the App

Ready to dive into the world of global news and events? Download our app today from your preferred app store and start exploring.
app-storeplay-store