
From humiliation to a Century of Justice
These powers treated China as a quarry for opium, territory and raw materials, bringing an end to the Qing dynasty's power and prestige for good, plunging Chinese families into poverty, igniting uprisings and freezing China's development.
Today, that same arrogance and appetite for control resurfaces across the globe, especially against the so called Global South. In just the past weeks, the 47th President of the United States visited Saudi Arabia, Qatar and the United Arab Emirates to sign almost RO 1.5 trillion in technology, energy and defence agreements. Yet while headlines glorified the size of these deals, parents in the Occupied Palestinian Territories are picking body parts of the dead children from the rubble, the hospitals of Gaza lie in ruins, humanitarian supplies are blocked, and Palestinians endure what countless observers describe as a campaign of collective punishment, starvation, bombardment and forced displacement. The contrast is stark: transactional diplomacy on one hand, and systemic violence on the other. These are not isolated tragedies but echoes of histories we refuse to learn from.
To break this cycle of impunity, we must adopt a 'Century of Justice' Roadmap: A concise, hard-edged framework to replace the old world's greed-driven systems with one that centres actual human dignity and sustainable cooperation. The first element is the Shared Ethical Code, a binding compact that defines non-negotiable standards for state and non-state actors alike. Under this code, no government may employ killer Artificial Intelligence - AI technology, collective punishment, use starvation as a weapon, or seize territory by force. An independent council of jurists and civil-society representatives would monitor compliance in real time. Violators would incur targeted sanctions, asset freezes and travel bans. This is not idealism; it is deterrence through accountability.
Second, we prepare Leaders of Conviction. From my own experience, elections become popularity contests driven by fear and factionalism instead of just common, interests. Under this pledge, every candidate, local, regional, or national commits to transparency in decision-making, to resolving disputes through dialogue rather than proxy wars, and to refusing to outsource violence to militias or private armies. Should any signatory authorise bombing of civilian infrastructure or the demolition of homes, that leader's regime automatically triggers diplomatic isolation and suspension from multilateral forums. Citizens and parliaments, empowered by this pledge, can hold their leaders to account even in emergencies.
Third, the roadmap establishes Justice Alliances - practical coalitions pairing governments with civil-society groups, faith communities and the private sector to confront war's aftermath. In Palestine, for instance, these alliances would comply with the UN resolutions and International Court of Justice - ICJ decisions to coordinate humanitarian corridors in Gaza and other Occupied Territories, document and prosecute war crimes and design long-term reconstruction plans. Funding would come from reparations levied on aggressor states and corporations that profit from conflict, creating a direct link between wrongdoing and responsibility for rebuilding. By working in coordinated task forces rather than scattered NGOs, resources are pooled, expertise shared and survivors supported with dignity.
Fourth, we must ratify Sustainability Pacts that bind producers and consumers in equitable resource stewardship. These legally enforceable agreements cover water, minerals, forests and carbon emissions, tying access and extraction rights to third-party audits and community-driven management. When a nation or corporation overreaches - clear-cutting forests, diverting rivers, or looting minerals, their concessions are voided and they incur reparations owed to affected populations. Such pacts transform mercenary resource grabs into partnerships that safeguard ecosystems and livelihoods.
This Century of Justice Roadmap is no utopian manifesto. As the Chinese people ended the Century of Humiliation to become a global superpower, so can the Global South, including the Arab and Muslim world. This is a call to action rooted in the hard lessons of history. Insist that your institution endorse the Shared Ethical Code. Demand that every public office candidate signs the Leaders of Conviction pledge. Join or support a Justice Alliance focused on the world's worst humanitarian crises. Pressure corporations and states to ratify Sustainability Pacts. We stand at crossroads: We can repeat the old script of power, profit and impunity, or we can forge a new century defined by justice, not greed. The choice is ours, and the time to act is now even if this takes a hundred years.
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Times of Oman
2 days ago
- Times of Oman
"No tariff wars or sanctions can halt natural course of history": Russian Foreign Ministry
Moscow: Russia's Foreign Ministry Spokeswoman Maria Zakharova responded sharply to the sanctions and restrictions being imposed by Washington, which have impacted countries across the world. Calling it a "neocolonial agenda", she said that "politically motivated economic pressure" was being put on those who choose an independent course on the international stage. Zakharova made the remarks responding to a media query regarding the tightening of tariffs by the US Administration. When asked how Russia view Washington's policy of increasing tariff barriers against the key foreign policy partners in the Global South, Zakharova said, "Sanctions and restrictions have unfortunately become a defining feature of the current historical period, impacting countries across the globe. Unable to accept the erosion of its dominance in an emerging multipolar international order, Washington continues to pursue a neocolonial agenda, employing politically motivated economic pressure against those who choose an independent course on the international stage. The Foreign Ministry Spokesperson further added, "This approach runs counter to the very principles of free trade once championed by Western nations. Instead, we now witness politically driven protectionism and the arbitrary imposition of tariff barriers. Brazil, our strategic partner in Latin America and the Caribbean, is one of the main victims of this policy. Such actions by the United States represent a direct infringement on the sovereignty of other nations and an attempt to interfere in their internal affairs. Beyond these concerns, this policy risks slowing global economic growth, disrupting supply chains, and deepening the fragmentation of the international economic system." She also said, "We firmly believe that no tariff wars or sanctions can halt the natural course of history. We are supported by a vast number of partners, like-minded states, and allies, particularly among the countries of the Global South and, above all, within #BRICS, who share this perspective." Zakharova in her concluding remarks mentioned that Russia stands ready to deepen cooperation and resist the "unlawful unilateral sanctions", so as to help shape a multipolar, just and equitable international order. "We stand ready to deepen cooperation with them to resist unlawful unilateral sanctions and to help shape a genuinely multipolar, just, and equitable international order." In a latest statement by US President Donald Trump on Monday, he said that the United States will "substantially raise" the tariff paid by India for buying "massive amounts of Russian Oil", stating that much of the oil purchased from Moscow is being sold in the open market "for big profits". Trump wrote on Truth Social, "India is not only buying massive amounts of Russian Oil, they are then, for much of the Oil purchased, selling it on the Open Market for big profits. They don't care how many people in Ukraine are being killed by the Russian War Machine. Because of this, I will be substantially raising the Tariff paid by India to the USA. Thank you for your attention to this matter!!!" India has defended its sovereign right to conduct energy policy based on national interest. The Ministry of External Affairs (MEA) on Monday came out strongly in defence of the country's decision to import oil from Russia, despite criticism from the United States and European Union. According to the MEA, India's imports from Russia are driven by necessity and aimed at ensuring predictable and affordable energy costs for Indian consumers.


Observer
2 days ago
- Observer
The US-India relationship is changing again
India's relationship with the United States has long been a careful balancing act between shared democratic values and sometimes diverging national interests. But recent diplomatic tremors have unsettled India, prompting it to question whether the partnership has reached a turning point. In what Indian officials view as an unsettling display of geopolitical grandstanding, US President Donald Trump has taken credit for halting recent hostilities between India and Pakistan by threatening to disrupt trade ties. India has bristled at Trump's claims, not only because it is fiercely protective of its sovereignty, but also because they lack merit. As Prime Minister Narendra Modi and Foreign Minister Subrahmanyam Jaishankar have noted, Trump did not even call them during the conflict. Bilateral trade was not mentioned by any US official while the fighting was under way. Trump may well have pressed Pakistan to end the violence, but India did not need persuading. As a status-quo power focused on its own economic development, the last thing India wanted was a protracted conflict. So, after terrorists slaughtered Indian civilians in Pahalgam in April, India devised a sharp, swift and measured response. It was always clear that 'Operation Sindoor' — which featured strikes on nine known terrorist basecamps and other facilities in Pakistani territory — was retribution against the terrorists who had targeted Indian tourists, not the opening salvo in a war against Pakistan. When Pakistan retaliated with indiscriminate attacks, India initiated another decisive but carefully calibrated strike — this time, on 11 air bases. It was this manoeuver — possibly coupled with US pressure on Pakistan's government — that prompted Pakistan to seek a cessation of hostilities. Trump hardly deserves credit for this outcome and yet, true to form, he has sought to claim it. But Indian officials have unequivocally rejected Trump's narrative. India is proud of its independence and it will not tolerate the implication that it succumbed to Trumpian threats or blandishments. This is not Trump's only action that is giving India pause. In June, he hosted Pakistan's army chief, Field Marshal Asim Munir. Pakistan's civilian leadership was not at the table. Trump's unpredictability vis-à-vis China is similarly troubling. Whereas he took a reliably hardline approach to the country during his first presidency, Trump 2.0 blows hot and cold. One minute, he is imposing extreme tariffs against China; the next, he is seeking to negotiate a trade truce and saying that he might visit Beijing at Chinese President Xi Jinping's invitation. Where India fits into these calculations — if it factors into them at all — is a mystery. During Trump's first term — as well as during Joe Biden's presidency — the US regarded India as a vital partner in the Indo-Pacific. While India upheld its foreign-policy doctrine of strategic autonomy and avoided committing to any confrontation with China, it welcomed US engagement in the region and supported the revitalisation of the Quad, which includes Australia, Japan and the US, in 2017. After all, India has its own quarrels with China. Meanwhile, China's influence across South Asia is growing, extending from Bhutan and Nepal to Bangladesh and Sri Lanka. Indian officials and businesses see China as a threat. But it is difficult to know where the US stands, especially after Trump opted not to rebuke China publicly for offering intelligence assistance to Pakistan. When it comes to trade, moreover, Trump has often been tougher on partners than adversaries. On July 30, Trump announced a 25 per cent tariff on Indian goods, effective August 1, together with an unspecified 'penalty' — probably an additional 10 per cent — for India's ongoing purchases of energy and military equipment from Russia. If trade can be weaponised, defence ties could be, too. Trump's capriciousness has heightened India's strategic anxieties. The US has proved to be an unreliable partner before. For example, during the 1999 Kargil conflict between India and Pakistan, the US denied India access to vital GPS data, leading the country to develop its own. Now, Indian decision-makers are split: Should India decouple from China, trusting the US to have its back, or pragmatically engage with it, for fear that the US will do the same? This raises an even more fundamental question: What is the value of a partnership that is subject to the whims of an outsize ego? India will not panic, but it might pivot. Given its lack of treaty obligations, it has greater leeway to act independently than formal US allies like Japan or South Korea. It might use this manoeuvering room to adjust its foreign-policy orientation. Jaishankar's July visit to Beijing pointed to a desire to broaden channels of communication with China. While India is not downgrading its ties with the US, it is emphasising self-reliance. This may lead to a more transactional bilateral relationship, shaped less by ideals than interests. @Project Syndicate, 2025


Observer
3 days ago
- Observer
Pro-Palestinians march over Sydney Harbour Bridge
Tens of thousands of demonstrators braved pouring rain to march across Sydney's iconic Harbour Bridge on Sunday calling for peace and aid deliveries in the war-torn Gaza Strip, where a humanitarian crisis has been worsening. Nearly two years into a war that Palestinian authorities say has killed more than 60,000 people in Gaza, governments and humanitarian organisations say a shortage of food is leading to widespread starvation. Some of those attending the march, called by its organisers the 'March for Humanity', carried pots and pans as symbols of the hunger. 'Enough is enough,' said Doug, a man in his 60s with a shock of white hair. 'When people from all over the world gather together and speak up, then evil can be overcome.' Marchers ranged from the elderly to families with young children. Among them was Wikileaks founder Julian Assange. Many carried umbrellas. Some waved Palestinian flags and chanted, 'We are all Palestinians.' New South Wales police said up to 90,000 people had attended, far more than expected. The protest organiser, Palestine Action Group Sydney, said in a Facebook post that as many as 300,000 people may have marched. New South Wales police and the state's premier last week tried to block the march from taking place on the bridge, a city landmark and transport thoroughfare, saying the route could cause safety hazards and transport disruption. The state's Supreme Court ruled on Saturday that it could go ahead. Acting Deputy Police Commissioner Peter McKenna said more than a thousand police were deployed, and the size of the crowd had led to fears of a crush. 'No one was hurt,' he told a press conference. 'But gee whiz, I wouldn't like to try and do this every Sunday at that short notice.' Police were also present in Melbourne, where a similar protest march took place. Diplomatic pressure ramped up on Israel in recent weeks. France and Canada have said they will recognise a Palestinian state, and Britain says it will follow suit unless Israel addresses the humanitarian crisis and reaches a ceasefire. Australia's centre-left Prime Minister Anthony Albanese has said he supports a two-state solution and Israel's denial of aid and killing of civilians 'cannot be defended or ignored', but has not recognised Palestine. Meanwhile, Egypt's state-affiliated Al Qahera News TV said on Sunday that two fuel trucks carrying 107 tonnes of diesel were set to enter Gaza, months after Israel severely restricted aid access to the enclave before easing it somewhat as starvation began to spread. Gaza's health ministry has said fuel shortages have severely impaired hospital services, forcing doctors to focus on treating only critically ill or injured patients. There was no immediate confirmation whether the fuel trucks had indeed entered Gaza. Fuel shipments have been rare since March, when Israel restricted the flow of aid and goods into the enclave in what it said was pressure on Hamas militants to free the remaining hostages they took in their October 2023 attack on Israel. — Reuters