logo
Hegseth Warns on China Threat, Pushes Allies on Defense Spending

Hegseth Warns on China Threat, Pushes Allies on Defense Spending

Minta day ago

US Defense Secretary Pete Hegseth pressed US partners in Asia to boost defense spending toward 5% of gross domestic product, warning that more urgency is needed to prepare for a potential Chinese invasion of Taiwan.
Addressing defense officials at a conference in Singapore, Hegseth warned countries against deepening economic ties with China while boosting defense relations with the US. And he made clear President Donald Trump's administration would apply the NATO model to the region — aggressively demanding countries spend more to defend themselves.
'NATO members are pledging to spend 5% of their GDP on defense — even Germany,' Hegseth said Saturday at the Shangri-La Dialogue in Singapore. 'So it doesn't make sense for countries in Europe to do that while key allies in Asia spend less on defense in the face of an even more formidable threat, not to mention North Korea?'
The speech — his first major outline of the Trump administration's approach to defense in Asia — fit with a broad push by members of the Trump administration to shift their focus from Europe's defense to Asia and particularly China, which US officials have long said is the premier threat facing the US.
It will also force tough decisions for many US allies and partners in Asia, which aren't spending anywhere close to 5% of GDP on defense. As of last year, South Korea led the region with 2.6% of GDP, followed by Taiwan, Australia, Japan and the Philippines, according to the Stockholm International Peace Research Institute.
The US also doesn't spend 5% of GDP on defense, though it pours more into military spending than any other nation.
Hegseth's approach also signaled that US allies would see no relief from the pressure Trump imposed in his first term, when he demanded Japan and South Korea pay more to host US troops. Hegseth didn't mention that spending specifically in his speech, but Trump administration officials have consistently said that countries around the world should become less dependent on the US as the guarantor of their security.
Hegseth echoed sentiments that Trump laid out in a speech in Saudi Arabia in May, saying the US didn't want to 'pressure other countries to embrace and adopt our politics or ideology.'
'We're not here to impose our will on you,' Hegseth said.
He also sought to reassure Chinese officials — who reject accusations that they plan to attack Taiwan — by saying twice that the US doesn't seek war with China.
He acknowledged that allies' economic dependence on China would complicate US decision-making, saying that 'nobody knows what China will ultimately do, but they are preparing, and therefore we must be ready as well.'
He made clear that while the US won't abandon its allies, their close relationships won't stop the US from pressing them to invest more in their defense industrial bases to counter China. And he warned that 'urgency and vigilance' is the only option.
'The threat China poses is real,' he said.
Hegseth visited Japan and the Philippines in March but the trip to Singapore for the annual Shangri-La Dialogue was his chance to spell out for the region's defense officials Trump's military strategy for the next three years.
The forum has often been a place where the top defense officials from the US and China would meet, but Chinese Defense Minister Dong Jun is skipping this year's event — an absence Hegseth pointed out in his speech.
Last year, then-Defense Secretary Lloyd Austin touted improved relations with Beijing even as he highlighted Washington's efforts to rally regional partners to counter Beijing. The new administration's approach could further raise tensions between the US and China that are again on the rise.
Trump on Friday accused China of violating an agreement with the US to ease tariffs. His administration has introduced new restrictions on the sale of chip design software, and announced earlier this week it would start revoking some Chinese student visas, a move that Beijing has blasted as 'discriminatory.'
Describing the Indo-Pacific as the 'priority theater' for the US, Hegseth said the Trump administration expects countries to commit more to collaborative defense against an 'urgent' threat from China.
'The only way to ensure lasting alliances and partnerships is to make sure that each side does its part,' he said.
This article was generated from an automated news agency feed without modifications to text.

Orange background

Try Our AI Features

Explore what Daily8 AI can do for you:

Comments

No comments yet...

Related Articles

Welspun Group sees strong US business despite US tariffs, expands into water management
Welspun Group sees strong US business despite US tariffs, expands into water management

Mint

time15 minutes ago

  • Mint

Welspun Group sees strong US business despite US tariffs, expands into water management

On Thursday morning, Welspun Corp stock was up 10% on highest volumes of shares traded on any day in the past twelve months. The stock closed at its 52-week peak of ₹ 895 on the BSE. The company, which makes steel pipes for transporting oil, had just announced its Q4FY25 and FY25 results, reporting a 67% increase in consolidated net profits over the previous financial year despite a 19% fall in annual revenues. The sudden confidence of investors should come as a surprise. There was some serious uncertainty surrounding its business after President Donald Trump imposed a 25% tariff on steel imports into the US in early March. Welspun, which has a pipe making factory in the US, imported steel as raw material, which made the landed cost of the metal highest compared to anywhere else in the world. It looked like Welspun Corp was staring at a prolonged downturn. A month after Trump announced tariffs, the stock was down 15%. B.K. Goenka, chairman of Welspun Corp, says: 'Trump's big support for the local US oil industry is seeing a surge of investments in the sector. There is a huge demand for pipes, causing their prices to increase and we are doubling down on the business.' Welspun disclosed that it has an order book of ₹ 19,500 crore, while its US steel mill is booked for the next 8 quarters. It is not just in the pipe business that Goenka is exuding confidence. As luck would have it, yet another company of the $5 billion Welspun group has its business fortunes linked to the US market. Welspun Living, which is the largest maker of bath towels in the world, accounts for every fifth towel sold in the US. Just like steel, garments exports to the US were also affected by Trump's new rules, which saw import tariffs increase from 4.57% to 30.57%, according to textile industry portal Fibre2Fashion. In its Q4FY25 results announced on Thursday, Welspun Living said that its home textiles grew at 1.7% year-on-year (y-o-y) in the quarter, even though the growth stood at 10.8% in FY25. The company's total revenue rose 1.2% to ₹ 2,648 crore in Q4FY25. For the full fiscal year, it rose at 8.9% to ₹ 10,697 crore. A research report by institutional equities firm Systematix titled Indian Textiles, published after India signed its free trade agreement FTA with the UK in the first week of May, says: 'The FTA is poised to bring far-reaching benefits to India's textile and apparel sector. The agreement can double bilateral trade between the two countries.' The sector's export accounted for 12% of UK's $15.3 billion imports from India and the report expects a 9% increase in Welspun's export to the UK, boosted by the agreement. In many ways, the two Welspun firms have come to be good examples of how Indian companies are working the way around Trump's tariffs, which have got the attention of senior business leaders, policy makers and investors in the past two months. 'Immediately, we will face some issues in our export to the US because of tariffs but we must understand that the main focus of the US is to reduce its reliance on China. To that effect, the real China+1 effect is going to play out only now. In the coming years, we expect our exports to the US to grow 20%,' says Goenka. Now, the biggest chunk of Chinese exports to the US markets come from synthetic textile and garment, while Indian exports are based on cotton. 'We may not gain from Chinese exports going down as much as getting our shares from countries like Bangladesh and Sri Lanka which also face higher tariffs in the US. We have better access to capital and that will help us scale up faster," Goenka says. "India has a unique advantage in home textiles as well-run companies like Welspun Living have easier access to capital markets and also locally-made cotton. It is placed better than competitors like Pakistan and Turkey in terms of US tariffs," says Arvind Singhal, founder and chairman of retail industry consultancy KSA Technopak. Singhal, until last year, was a board member of Welspun Living. On the other hand, since the price of oil pipe will be directly linked to that of steel, Goenka expects to pass any price increase to customers. 'The price of US steel has already gone up after tariffs were announced and there is going to be parity to imports,' he says. In the case of Welspun Corp, there are other levers too by which Goenka is trying to generate value. To deploy some of its cash, Goenka took control of plastics storage and furniture maker Sintex after the company filed for bankruptcy. The interest in Sintex stems from Goenka's interest in the water business, which he thinks will grow into a substantial one in the coming years. 'Starting from treatment, whether fresh water treatment or desalination, then transporting, and having a small loft tank, pipes, tap and small effluent sewage treatment can all be done by Sintex as a package unit," says Goenka. 'In FY26, we will do about ₹ 800 crore of revenue but the profits won't by much because of old losses or restructuring. But, we have 10% margin in the business.' "Welspun has diversified beyond its core offerings into building materials and plastic segments. Such expansion enables it to align with favourable dynamics across the industrial, consumer and residential markets," wrote Shweta Dikshit, analyst with Institutional equities firm Systematix in a May 19 note on the company. The firm recommended a buy on the stock with a target price of ₹ 1,006. Elsewhere, Goenka is focusing on reducing his costs in the textile business and is implementing a solar power project in Anjar, Gujarat. That project was commissioned with an intention to ensure that 80% of the power for the textile plant came from renewable sources in FY26 and 100% by FY30. 'Connectivity to the grid is still an issue. We will commission a part of it by September this year and the rest by December," Goenka says. The group will eventually have more solar energy in the renewable portfolio as a new company Welspun Energy has been incorporated for the business. In pilot stages are plans to produce green ammonia and green hydrogen. 'It may look like green hydrogen is not viable today but that was the case with solar energy too in 2008-09 when it was ₹ 18 a unit. The same will happen to hydrogen and it is the energy of the future," he says.

Poland at polls in tight presidential election: What's at stake in vote between pro-EU, nationalist visions?
Poland at polls in tight presidential election: What's at stake in vote between pro-EU, nationalist visions?

First Post

time17 minutes ago

  • First Post

Poland at polls in tight presidential election: What's at stake in vote between pro-EU, nationalist visions?

A victory for Rafal Trzaskowski, 53 of the centrist Civic Platform party would deepen Poland's integration with EU, ease the near total abortion ban and bolster LGBTQ+ rights. In contrast, Karol Nawrocki, 42, is a nationalist who appeals to traditional, Catholic voters. His focus is on stricter curbs on immigration read more This combination of photos shows Rafal Trzaskowski, left, in Warsaw, and Karol Nawrocki, right, in Warsaw, Poland. File image/ AP Voters in Poland went to the polls on Sunday (June 1) in a high-stakes presidential election that pits two sharply contrasting visions for the country's future- one rooted in pro-European Union liberalism, the other in nationalist conservatism. The outcome could significantly influence Poland's stance within the EU, its domestic social policies, and its position on the war in Ukraine. With polls showing a dead heat between Rafal Trzaskowski, the pro-EU mayor of Warsaw and ally of Prime Minister Donald Tusk, and Karol Nawrocki, a right-wing historian backed by the conservative opposition, the election is being watched closely both at home and abroad. STORY CONTINUES BELOW THIS AD Rafal Trzaskowski, 53, represents the centrist Civic Platform party and has campaigned on a progressive, pro-European platform. A victory for him would bolster the reformist agenda of Prime Minister Donald Tusk's government and open the door to significant changes such as: Legalising civil partnerships for same-sex couples Easing the near-total abortion ban Deepening Poland's integration within the EU Trzaskowski is seen by supporters as internationally respected, liberal-minded, and committed to restoring democratic norms. 'He's educated, speaks many languages, is intelligent, just all round great,' said Agnieszka Lewinska, a 56-year-old voter near Warsaw. In contrast, Karol Nawrocki, 42, is a nationalist who appeals to traditional, Catholic voters and has the backing of the conservative Law and Justice (PiS) party, which ruled Poland from 2015 to 2023. His platform emphasises: National sovereignty over EU integration Stricter curbs on immigration and refugee benefits Reinforcing Catholic values and conservative policies Supporters like Lila Chojecka, a 60-year-old pensioner in Warsaw, say Nawrocki represents 'hope for Poland' and a return to 'Catholic values.' Why does this election matter beyond Poland? The result will have significant implications for the European Union, NATO, and Ukraine. Poland is a key EU member and one of NATO's most active supporters of Ukraine. Trzaskowski supports continued military and humanitarian aid to Kyiv and aligns closely with Brussels on foreign and security policy. Nawrocki, however, has voiced skepticism about expanding NATO to include Ukraine and opposes offering long-term social benefits to the more than one million Ukrainian refugees in Poland. In his final campaign appearance, he visited a memorial for Poles killed by Ukrainian nationalists during World War II, calling it 'a genocide against the Polish people.' For Ukraine, the result may shape Poland's future support as the war with Russia drags on and Kyiv seeks greater diplomatic backing. Domestically, the Polish presidency holds the power to veto legislation and command the armed forces, making it a key check, or enabler, of the ruling government's agenda. With 336 electoral districts and nearly 38 million people, Poland's presidential race is expected to be decided by narrow margins. The far-right, which earned over 21 per cent in the first round, could swing the final result, especially if its voters rally behind Nawrocki. Trzaskowski edged ahead in the first round with 31 per cent of the vote, just one point above Nawrocki's 30 per cent. STORY CONTINUES BELOW THIS AD Exit polls are expected shortly after voting ends at 9:00 pm local time (1900 GMT), with final results due by Monday. The election, described by political analyst Anna Materska-Sosnowska as a 'real clash of civilisations,' will set the course for Poland's political and social identity for years to come.

A Look at the Left Govt in Kerala and the Times It Emboldened the Sangh
A Look at the Left Govt in Kerala and the Times It Emboldened the Sangh

The Wire

time27 minutes ago

  • The Wire

A Look at the Left Govt in Kerala and the Times It Emboldened the Sangh

His fans call him the captain, his admirers value his no-nonsense approach and his detractors despise him as a 'dhoti clad Modi in disguise' . Notwithstanding the praises and admonitions, the importance of being Pinarayi Vijayan is obvious. He is the lone chief minister of the Left in India and the most important face of the Communist Party of India (Marxist). And now octogenarian Vijayan is vying for a third consecutive term after creating history of sorts, when his government was voted back to power in 2021. At a time when the Left in India is gasping for breath and the right juggernaut continues unabated, Left rule in Kerala has become all the more important not just for its sympathisers, but for all who seek an alternative to majoritarianism. Over nine years in power, how much of an alternative did Pinarayi Vijayan provide for the rest of the country to emulate? The earnest attempt to answer this would have to involve the age-old paradox of a Left government functioning under a neoliberal, majoritarian rule and the ideological ambiguities and complexities of the communist party working in a parliamentary democracy and the commitment of the political leadership. Ever since he joined active politics and became a member of the legislative assembly at the age of 25, Vijayan has been actively embroiled in the machinations of parliamentary power politics. Pragmatist to the core, Vijayan gave predominance to strategising for winning elections. Like former Chinese leader Deng Xiopeng, Vijayan did not bother about the 'colour of the cat as long as it catches mice'. Pragmatism, as a political tool, is often at odds with the ideologies of the organisations. Hence a pragmatist is at the risk of being labeled as 'revisionist' or 'opportunist' by the 'puritans' within and outside the organisation. The communist leaders who led the party in government have always had to walk a tightrope, balancing ideology and practical compulsions, necessitated by working under a practically centralised government. When the first communist government, led by E.M.S Nambodiripad invited G.D. Birla to invest in the state, offering him natural resources at throwaway prices, questions were raised from some quarters alleging 'ideological deviations' against the then CPI(M) government. The ideological dilemma of working under a capitalist system and pursuing a 'revolutionary programme' has been the hallmark of almost all Left governments. Vijayan has attempted to overcome this dilemma, first as the secretary of the CPI(M) and now as the chief minister. He jettisoned ideological pretensions and chose pragmatism as the guiding principle. Leaving aside ideological baggage and renouncing revolutionary rhetoric for all practical purposes, Vijayan led the party to imbibe the narrative on development accepted and propagated by all other mainstream political parties. This is visible by the development document he presented at CPI(M) state conference s and the slew of policy measures his government initiated, including welcoming foreign capital in the industry and education sectors. That he was able to push his party into accepting these big policy changes without any dissension points either to his strangulating hold over the party or the ideological void among the cadres. But, in the end, this 'policy shift' should be seen as a way out of the dilemma the party faced whenever it was elected to rule under an antagonising central government. This can be construed as the inability of the Left to have an alternative development policy for the state while working within a capitalist system. To pursue an alternative model in a structure where the states do not have much room is easier said than done, especially when the central government is out to destabilise fiscal federalism. Though Vijayan is praised even by political opponents for being 'non-dogmatic,' he is iron-willed in maintaining party organisation according to the 'Leninist principle of democratic centralism'. Adversaries allege that he uses this to sideline or neutralise those who are not in his good book . They maintain that by the selective use of this century-old organisational dictum, Vijayan impaired democratic culture by promoting those who show total servility. Vijayan's nine-year rule is significant in Kerala's history not because of how his dominance changed the CPI(M), but because his and the party's stand on various occasions, at least during the last nine years, has given credence to the majoritarian arguments on various issues. The handling of political dissidents and the knee-jerk reactions on various social and political issues by the government and the party have inadvertently or otherwise emboldened the Sangh parivar's ideological campaigns. The Sangh agenda Let us look at some instances when the Sangh agenda has reflected in Vijayan's actions 1. Maoist killing During the first five years in rule, seven Maoists were killed by the Kerala police. Civil society and human rights groups alleged that these ultra-leftists were gunned down in fake encounters. The CPI(M)-appointed fact-finding mission corroborated the stand taken by the human rights groups. But the government did not budge and no worthwhile actions were taken. Bharatiya Janata Party and the Sangh parivar defended the government. 2. Economic Reservation Vijayan-led Left Democratic Front was the first government to introduce upper-caste reservation camouflaged as economic reservations. This has strengthened the anti-caste reservation campaign often unleashed by Sangh parivar groups 3. Islamophobia The last Lok Sabha election saw BJP opening its account in Kerala and a sizeable increase in its vote share, especially among the Ezhava community , which has hitherto been the bedrock of the CPI(M). The political shift of a significant section of the Hindu voters, who had earlier put their faith in CPI(M), has raised alarm bells within the left circles. CPI(M) thought of overcoming this by intensifying political attacks against Muslim organisations, including the Muslim League, which is part of the Congress-led United Democratic Front (UDF), and Jamaat-e-Islami. At one point, the CPI(M) politburo member A. Vijayaraghavan alleged that Congress leaders Rahul and Priyanka Gandhi won elections from Wayanad with the support of Muslim fundamentalists. This statement was used by the BJP to target Congress. The continuous virulent attack against Muslim organisations created a political atmosphere conducive for the Sangh parivar to carry out their anti-Muslim campaign. 'The land of three internal enemies' The most severe attack against the Vijayan government came from the police. Even left sympathisers alleged that a section of the police officers are showing allegiance to Sangh parivar. Those who criticised the police policy got shot in the arm when reports of a secret meeting between ADGP Ajith Kumar and RSS leader Dattatreya Hosable and Ram Madhav came out. Though the secret meeting raised huge controversy, no action has been taken against the police officer. When Sree Narayana Darma Paripala (SNDP) Yogam General Secretary Vellappally Natesan spewed communal venom against the Muslim majority Malappuram district by describing it as a place where Muslim domination has pushed other Ezhava community to the sidelines, it invited huge condemnation. But chief minister Vijayan came to the rescue of the SNDP leader by praising him 'as a leader who does not take a stand against any particular community and also praised his social service. For RSS and the Sangh organisations, Kerala is a land where all three 'internal enemies' – the Muslims, the Christians and the Communists – as elucidated by RSS ideologue MS Golwalkar, have a significant presence. Hence, the RSS attached great importance to 'conquering' Kerala, as this would be construed as subjugating the 'internal enemies.' Notwithstanding the BJP's poor electoral performance, the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh is running more than 5.000 shakhas in Kerala – more than the number in Madhya Pradesh and Gujarat! Left parties, especially the CPI(M), were in the forefront in scuttling the pernicious methods employed by the Sangh in the state. Vijayan was vociferous and unrelenting in his fight against the Sangh parivar. But skeptics maintain that there is a marked change in his approach since he became chief minister. Over the last nine years, the RSS has been able to spread its tentacles widely, using, among other things, the politically lethargic attitude of the government. What effect will this lackadaisical approach of the Left have on Kerala polity? The 2026 Assembly election, in all probability, will tell. N.K. Bhoopesh is a journalist and columnist based in Kochi, Kerala.

DOWNLOAD THE APP

Get Started Now: Download the App

Ready to dive into the world of global news and events? Download our app today from your preferred app store and start exploring.
app-storeplay-store