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Migrant back door remains open after Starmer deal, warn unionists

Migrant back door remains open after Starmer deal, warn unionists

Telegraph4 days ago
Keir Starmer must stop people-smugglers using Northern Ireland as a back door into Britain, senior unionists have warned.
They fear that migrants will increasingly abuse the open border with Ireland if Sir Keir's ' one in, one out ' deal with Emmanuel Macron drives down migrant Channel crossings.
The UK and Ireland share a common travel area, which predates both countries' EU membership and allows free movement for British and Irish citizens.
The 'Irish route' sees migrants fly to Dublin from Europe, either legally or on false papers, before travelling unchecked to Northern Ireland by land.
Once in the UK, it is possible for them to claim asylum. It is also possible to travel to Britain without a passport, although airlines and ferry operators do ask for photo ID.
'We will be telling the Government to closely monitor the flow of people and do what is necessary to protect and defend the entire border of the UK,' Lord Dodds, the Democratic Unionist Party peer, told The Telegraph.
A Telegraph investigation last month revealed that Albanian gangs were charging £4,000 to use the soft border to get people into Britain, and advertising the scam on Facebook.
The gangs give migrants fake Italian ID cards that are used to fly them into Ireland, before they sneak into mainland Britain on ferries, allowing them to work illegally or claim asylum with their Albanian passports.
'If the Prime Minister is serious about securing the UK's borders, then it's time to stop pretending that our only border threat comes from the sea,' Jim Allister, MP for North Antrim and leader of the Traditional Unionist Voice, warned.
Mr Allister's office is in Ballymena, where there were anti-migrant riots in June. The violence spread across Northern Ireland over two weeks of disorder that led to 56 arrests and 107 officers injured.
The hardline unionist added: 'The people of Northern Ireland deserve the same border security and immigration enforcement as anywhere else in the United Kingdom.
'Failure to act continues to foster illegal settlement, demographic manipulation, and strain on public services – particularly in areas like Ballymena, where the impact is plain to see.'
Northern Ireland's Brexit deal kept the Irish border open after the UK left the EU. That was to protect the Good Friday Agreement, amid fears checkpoints would become a target for paramilitaries.
But many unionists believe that the deal has loosened Northern Ireland's ties with the rest of the UK, and made a united Ireland more likely by creating a customs border in the Irish Sea.
They oppose a new 'people border' being created between Northern Ireland and Britain to control any rise in illegal immigration from the region to the mainland, for fear of increasing Northern Ireland's political distance from the rest of the UK.
In a sign of growing loyalist tensions over immigration, a bonfire was burnt with an effigy of 12 migrants in a small boat carrying the Irish tricolour on top last week.
A sign strapped to the side of the pyre in Moygashel village, near Dungannon, read 'stop the boats' and another banner read 'veterans before refugees' with an image of two guns.
The bonfire was set ablaze as part of the annual July 12 celebrations to mark the victory of the protestant William of Orange over deposed King James II's Catholic forces at the Battle of the Boyne.
Katy Hayward, professor of political sociology at Queen's University Belfast, said unionist fears over immigration reflected the fact that borders were points of connection as well as division.
'This is more obvious for land borders than sea borders, which is a perpetual challenge for unionism,' Prof Hayward, an expert on the Irish border, told The Telegraph.
'Geographically outside Britain but increasingly concerned about immigration, Ulster loyalism is on high alert.
'Compounding the unease is the fact that the issue can only be effectively managed by closer British-Irish cooperation.'
After Brexit, the Government reaffirmed its commitment to the Common Travel Area and there is co-operation between London and Dublin authorities to protect it from abuse.
Under the area's rules, border guards can ask to see passports and are able to refuse entry to Britain or Ireland but this is not routine.
No immigration checks are undertaken on the Irish land border itself, but intelligence-led operations are carried out on travel routes away from it to prevent abuse.
'Whatever steps the Government takes they must also ensure that there isn't an unchecked illegal route through the Republic of Ireland,' Robin Swann, the Ulster Unionist Party's MP for South Antrim warned.
'If the Gardai can mount checks on public transport travelling from Northern Ireland to the Republic, UK authorities should be doing likewise.'
Irish police carried out spot checks away from the border last year, amid accusations that migrants were fleeing to Ireland from Northern Ireland to escape the now ditched Rwanda Plan.
In May last year, the Irish government claimed as many as 80 per cent of asylum seekers had come to Dublin from Northern Ireland.
Britain, then under a Tory government, took back at least 50 migrants from Ireland after initially refusing to do so during a diplomatic row with Dublin.
Ireland is struggling to transform from a country of emigration to immigration in the grips of a housing crisis.
There have been anti-migrant riots in Dublin and arson attacks on asylum reception centres. Tent cities sprang up in the Irish capital close to the the asylum office.
In 2024, a record total of 18,651 people applied for asylum in Ireland, which has a population of 5.3 million.
Ireland's department of Justice said it had 'noted the UK-France migrant return deal' but would not comment on bilateral agreements between other countries.
It said there was 'extensive engagement and cooperation' between its officials, the Home Office and police in Ireland, Northern Ireland and Britain 'at all levels'.
'This strong practical engagement and cooperation serves the mutual interests of both Ireland and the United Kingdom and will continue,' a spokesman added.
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The hangover of the wilderness years leaves us too ready to be defined by opposition: anti-cruelty, anti-chaos, anti-Tory. This is fighting the last war; we must pursue a politics shaped by addressing what matters here and now. Our Vision: Strategic Disruption The dysfunction gripping Britain is not an unavoidable tragedy. It stems from a clear political failure and a catastrophic absence of moral courage. Our founding principle is that decline is neither inevitable nor acceptable; Britain's best days are ahead, but only if we choose purpose over complacency and disruption over caution. For too long politicians were content to accept the things they could not change, we instead set out to change those things which we cannot accept. We must smash the status quo. We reject the exhausted politics of technocratic incrementalism and trickle-down 'meritocracy' that favours those privileged enough to start the game of life three-nil up. The belief that 'grown-up' management will be enough to right the ship of Britain's institutions has not so much collided with reality as been obliterated by it. At the same time, we are in open conflict with populist nihilism, which diagnoses the failure of the current system but offers only embittered rage and dangerous fantasy in response. This is exemplified by the opportunism of Nigel Farage's promise of up to £80 billion of unfunded tax cuts to disproportionately benefit the country's highest earners. We stake claim to the politics of strategic disruption, reforming ruthlessly yet with recognition of fiscal reality, and absolute clarity about the trade-offs involved. All measured by a single standard: does this serve to make the working people of Britain better off? We put a strong economy at heart of our politics because it is a necessary condition to fund public services, reduce inequality and make all our constituents better off. Aneurin Bevan captured this truth: 'Freedom is the by-product of economic surplus'. If the centre-left fails to deliver abundance, then it will fall to the radical right on the barren grounds of scarcity. We stand proudly in a Labour tradition of radicalism that runs through Attlee's creation of the welfare state, Crosland's radical reshaping of left economics, and Bevan's fearless assault on entrenched interests to establish the NHS. Labour Growth Group is not just another faction, it is a political and moral project to rebuild Britain's broken systems in service of the many. Tony Blair once described New Labour as the 'political wing of the British people'. We take up that standard, not as insiders but insurgents relentlessly dedicated to placing the British people's needs above politics as usual. The National Renewal Compact: A Modern Beveridge Model to Rebuild Britain Britain urgently requires a framework for national economic renewal as bold and transformative as Beveridge's original vision was for welfare. Over the next year the Labour Growth Group will deliver our own comprehensive blueprint in the form of the National Renewal Compact, a set of accords underpinned by practical, costed plans to slay each of the giants holding Britain back. Just as Beveridge confronted the ills of his era, we currently identify five modern giants strangling Britain's economy and society: ● A Paralysed State: A machinery of government so risk‑averse and inward‑looking that it cannot confront hard choices or deliver lasting reform. ● A Nation Divided: A deeply imbalanced economy that concentrates wealth and opportunity in a few postcodes while vast regions are left behind. ● Building Banned: A planning and delivery system so clogged that Britain cannot build the homes, transport links, and infrastructure a modern economy demands. ● Enterprise Smothered: A regime of regulation and culture of hesitation that saps investment, dulls innovation, and turns ambition into retreat. ● Energy Constrained: A failure to secure abundant, affordable power—leaving households exposed, industry uncompetitive, and our future unprepared. This will not be a dry review or an endless discussion exercise. It is a deliberate and provocative act in developing political economy involving leading policy organisations – the Centre for British Progress, Britain Remade and Labour Together among others – as well as thinkers from across the political spectrum. Our own members will bring to bear their expertise from business, energy, law, engineering, trade unionism, technology, economics and more. With their collective energy and experience we will refine our analysis. We are clear that this government has made great strides to confront many of these problems, from the most radical reforms to the planning system in a generation to raising public investment to the highest level for over a decade, to removing barriers to building new nuclear reactors, to rolling back the dominance of quangos. But the gravity of this moment demands an extra injection of radicalism. Each of these giants requires difficult, courageous trade-offs. Fixing our planning system, for example, means confronting entrenched interests resistant to housebuilding and infrastructure expansion. Addressing regional division requires tough choices on fiscal redistribution and decentralisation of power. We are clear-eyed that disruption is uncomfortable, but necessary. Britain has run out of easy options and an increasingly unstable world makes the future hard to plan for. That is why, in the words of the American technologist Alan Kay, we hold simply that 'the best way to predict the future is to invent it'. Our aim is practical, radical, and achievable proposals, not a wish list but a blueprint designed explicitly for implementation. This will not be another policy pamphlet shuffled around desks in Westminster, but instead a rallying point for all those who recognise the urgency of national renewal. It will serve not just as a call to action but as a binding compact, ensuring we do everything we can to see this Government deliver on its promise of transformation. The Cost of Failure Our fight is inherently political rather than technocratic. Regional rebalancing, for instance, is not simply about efficiency or even fairness. It is a democratic necessity. A country divided against itself, in which one region thrives while the potential of others is squandered, is a country that will fracture. The people have been patient, but their latitude has been tested to the limit and will not hold much longer. If we as a party and as a government fail to come together now and reckon with this, then Nigel Farage as Prime Minister is what awaits. The Office for Budget Responsibility has recently warned that the country is effectively sitting atop a fiscal timebomb. Debt climbing constantly until it breaks 270 % of GDP by the 2070s while a collapse in long‑gilt demand could add £20 billion a year to interest bills and an ageing population doubles health spending from its current rate. A man peddling unfunded £80 billion tax giveaways in this environment is playing with matches in a tinder‑dry forest. A chaotic Reform administration could well set it ablaze in short order, driving a severe fiscal crisis in the form of a debt interest spiral. The ramifications for the very fabric of British society of that final act of political betrayal should make blood run cold right across our movement. The Call One year ago, we committed to a simple but revolutionary conviction: Britain cannot afford another generation of timid politics and managed decline. In just twelve months, the Labour Growth Group has evolved from a name on a letter into a determined force of reformers in Parliament, united by the urgency of the moment and a clarity about the hard choices required. Today, as we embark on the next phase of this project, in the form of the National Renewal Compact, we invite all who share our commitment to join us, from business leaders, civic organisations, unions, thinkers, and doers. We will work together to refine our analysis and reveal the answers the country needs. This effort goes beyond party politics; it is about rebuilding Britain's economy and salvaging her democracy. The hour is late, and there is no point in denying the scale of the challenge, but this country which we love has beaten greater odds before. The British people sense another revolutionary moment at hand. Together, let us honour that, and forge a future worthy of them. Chris Curtis MP: Co-Chair, Labour Growth Group Lola McEvoy MP: Co-Chair, Labour Growth Group Mark McVitie: Director, Labour Growth Group Related

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