South Koreans begin early voting in presidential poll
People vote during early voting for the June 3 presidential election at a polling station in Seoul on May 29. PHOTO: REUTERS
SEOUL - Early voting in South Korea's presidential elections kicked off on May 29, with both main candidates set to cast ballots in a poll triggered by ex-leader Yoon Suk Yeol's ill-fated effort to suspend civilian rule in 2024.
All major polls have placed liberal Lee Jae-myung as the clear frontrunner in the presidential race, with a recent Gallup survey showing 49 per cent of respondents viewed him as the best candidate.
Trailing behind him is conservative ex-labour minister Kim Moon-soo of the ruling People Power Party – Yoon's former party – at 35 per cent.
While election day is set for June 3, those who want to vote early can do so on May 29 and May 30 – part of an initiative introduce in 2013 to help those unable to cast ballots on polling day or planning to travel.
South Koreans have in recent years turned out in larger and larger numbers for early voting, with 37 per cent casting their ballots ahead of polling day in the 2022 presidential election.
Voting began at 6am (5am Singapore time) for twelve hours, taking place again on May 30.
According to the National Election Commission, as of 9am, the early voting turnout rate was 3.55 per cent, the highest record yet for that time in South Korean election history.
Lee, of the Democratic Party, is expected to vote in the capital Seoul on the morning of May 29.
'Some say power comes from the barrel of a gun, but I believe a vote is more powerful than a bullet,' he told a rally on May 28.
According to a Gallup poll, more than half of Lee's supporters said they planned to vote early, compared to just 16 per cent of Mr Kim's supporters.
Mr Kim has said he will cast his vote in Incheon, west of Seoul, with his campaign framing it as 'the beginning of a dramatic turnaround', a nod to General Douglas MacArthur's landing there during the Korean War.
'Take part'
Mr Kim's decision to vote early has surprised many on the right, where conspiracy theories about electoral fraud – particularly during early voting – are rife.
The 73-year-old however reassured his supporters that there is 'nothing to worry about.'
'If you hesitate to vote early and end up missing the main election, it would be a major loss,' said Mr Kim on May 28.
'Our party will mobilise all its resources to ensure strict monitoring and oversight of early voting,' he said.
'So please don't worry and take part in it,' he said.
Conservative candidate Mr Kim shot to public attention in the aftermath of Yoon's martial law debacle, when he declined to bow in apology to the public for failing to prevent the suspension of civilian rule.
In contrast, lawyer-turned-politician Lee played a central role in stopping the push to suspect civilian rule, live-streaming his frantic drive to Parliament and his scramble over the perimeter fence as he and other lawmakers raced to vote down the decree.
He has since vowed to 'bring insurrection elements to justice' if elected president. AFP
Join ST's Telegram channel and get the latest breaking news delivered to you.
Hashtags

Try Our AI Features
Explore what Daily8 AI can do for you:
Comments
No comments yet...
Related Articles

Straits Times
15 minutes ago
- Straits Times
Trump administration orders extra vetting of all visa applicants linked to Harvard University
FILE PHOTO: A view of the Business School campus of Harvard University in Cambridge, Massachusetts, U.S., April 15, 2025. REUTERS/Faith Ninivaggi/File Photo FILE PHOTO: Students walk on the campus of Harvard University in Cambridge, Massachusetts, U.S., May 23, 2025. REUTERS/Faith Ninivaggi/File Photo WASHINGTON - The U.S. State Department ordered all its consular missions overseas to begin additional vetting of visa applicants looking to travel to Harvard University for any purpose, according to an internal cable seen by Reuters on Friday, in a significant expansion of President Donald Trump's crackdown against the academic institution. In a cable dated May 30 and sent to all U.S. diplomatic and consular posts, U.S. Secretary of State Marco Rubio instructed the immediate start of "additional vetting of any non-immigrant visa applicant seeking to travel to Harvard University for any purpose." Such applicants include but are not limited to prospective students, students, faculty, employees, contractors, guest speakers, and tourists, the cable said. Harvard University "failed to maintain a campus environment free from violence and anti-Semitism", the cable said, citing the Department of Homeland Security and therefore the enhanced vetting measures aim to help consular officers identify visa applicants "with histories of anti-Semitic harassment and violence." The order also directs consular officers to consider questioning the credibility of the applicant if the individual's social media accounts are private and instruct them to ask the applicant to set their accounts to public. The additional measures on Harvard were first reported by Fox News, but the cable itself has not been previously reported. The State Department did not immediately respond to a request for comment. The move is part of the Trump administration's intensifying immigration crackdown and follows Rubio's order to stop scheduling new appointments for student and exchange visitor visa applicants. The top U.S. diplomat also said earlier this week that Washington will start revoking the visas of Chinese students with links to the Chinese Communist Party and those who are working on critical areas. The Trump administration has launched a multifront attack on the nation's oldest and wealthiest university, freezing billions of dollars in grants and other funding, proposing to end its tax-exempt status and opening an investigation into whether it discriminated against white, Asian, male or straight employees or job applicants. Trump alleges top U.S. universities are cradles of anti-American movements. In a dramatic escalation, his administration last week revoked Harvard's ability to enrol foreign students, a move later blocked by a federal judge. REUTERS Join ST's Telegram channel and get the latest breaking news delivered to you.


CNA
37 minutes ago
- CNA
Geopolitics Professor Philippe Le Corre on US-EU relations and Europe-Asia ties
Ahead of French President Emmanuel's keynote address at the Shangri-La Dialogue in Singapore, Professor of Geopolitics Philippe Le Corre from the ESSEC Business School shares his thoughts on US and EU relations, as well as how Europe can offer Asia a different approach to international relations.


CNA
an hour ago
- CNA
Why isn't China's defence minister attending Shangri-la Dialogue, and how will it affect Sino-US ties?
SINGAPORE: China's decision not to send its defence minister Dong Jun to this year's Shangri-La security dialogue (SLD) in Singapore reflects a deliberate decision on Beijing's part to withhold ministerial-level participation amid fraught geopolitical conditions, analysts told CNA. In a statement issued on Thursday (May 29), a day before the forum's official opening, China's Ministry of National Defense said a delegation from the People's Liberation Army's National Defense University would attend in Dong's place, without providing details on who would be leading it. The delegation 'will have in-depth exchanges with different parties to build more consensus', said ministry spokesman Zhang Xiaogang, who did not address why Dong would not be attending or whether the Chinese team would meet with US counterparts. This will be the first time since 2019 that China will not be represented by its defence minister at the annual security summit, a key platform where Beijing's positions on flashpoints like Taiwan and the South China Sea have drawn intense international scrutiny over the years. 'Past records show that the level of China's delegation is closely linked to the international climate and perceived external pressures,' said Lim Tai Wei, an East Asian affairs observer and professor at Soka University in Japan. With US President Donald Trump back in power, analysts who spoke to CNA believe that Beijing may see limited strategic benefit in sending its top defence ministry official to the annual event, particularly with newly appointed US Defense Secretary Pete Hegseth slated to be in attendance. Without ministerial-level attendance, Beijing will also forgo the opportunity to hold high-level bilateral meetings with direct counterparts in countries like the US, experts added. CONTROLLING THE NARRATIVE Beijing's decision to forgo high-level ministerial representation might also be related to unfavourable optics, Lim said, especially in environments where Washington and Western counterparts may seek to frame the dialogue in more performative terms. 'China operates within a high-context political culture, where atmospherics, non-verbal cues, and the overall tone of engagement carry significant weight,' Lim said. 'There tends to be a preference for controlled settings and predictability,' Lim added. 'In a fluid international environment, where developments can shift quickly, this may have contributed to the decision not to send a senior-level delegation this year.' Benjamin Ho, an assistant professor at the China Programme of the S Rajaratnam School of International Studies (RSIS) in Singapore, noted that China has historically sent its defence ministers to the annual summit when 'global conditions were right' for talks with counterparts - especially those from the US. US-China relations have rapidly deteriorated, particularly with renewed tariff disputes, trade tensions and Trump's decision to clamp down on Harvard's Chinese international students. Against this current backdrop, there has been 'little strategic reason' for Beijing to send a ministerial-level delegation to the SLD, Ho added. 'Last year, (then-US Defense Secretary Lloyd Austin) reiterated the idea that when US-China relations are not good, (both sides) should meet and talk,' Ho said. 'But for China, it's quite different. For Beijing, if relations are not good, there is no need for the military to meet and talk.' 'Beijing only talks when political conditions are correct so I think (they) are operating from a very different kind of paradigm.' Lin Ying-yu, an assistant professor at the Graduate Institute of International Affairs and Strategic Studies at Tamkang University in Taiwan, said Beijing's hesitation may reflect internal uncertainty about how to manage defence diplomacy under Trump's second term. 'China has yet to settle on a clear approach to engaging the US,' he said. 'At present, (President) Xi Jinping has not had direct or formal dialogue with Trump since his return to office so I think China has not finalised its position on how to handle relations with the US under this new term.' Sending a lower-level delegation would be a way for Beijing to test the waters, Lin added. 'This is a way for China to first observe how the US responds in the security and defence space, before deciding what kind of posture or attitude to adopt going forward.' ALLEGED CORRUPTION PROBE NOT AT PLAY? Dong, a Chinese naval admiral from the People's Liberation Army (PLA), assumed the role of Chinese defence minister in late 2023. His predecessors Wei Fenghe and Li Shangfu were both expelled from the ruling Communist Party and dismissed from their roles over bribes and other 'serious disciplinary violations'. Observers have noted Dong's own brush with the wide-ranging corruption campaign, which has plagued China's military since last year - nine PLA generals and at least four aerospace defence industry executives were removed as a result. Dong's SLD absence has prompted speculation of him being under an alleged disciplinary probe - but defence officials and analysts now caution against drawing direct conclusions, noting his recent travel history and no official comments linking him to misconduct. 'There's been speculation about whether Admiral Dong is in political trouble, but that doesn't ring true,' said Drew Thompson, a former US Department of Defense (DOD) official, in a LinkedIn post shared on Friday, which noted Dong's three-day visit to Berlin in mid-May, where he met with Germany's defence minister and addressed UN officials. Dong also recently held a high-profile meeting with Thailand's Chief of Defense Forces, General Songwit Noonpakdee, in Beijing. Thompson said it signalled that Dong remained active in his official capacity as Chinese defence minister despite his absence from the annual regional forum. Lin said there was no clear connection between the ongoing anti-corruption drive within the PLA and Dong's SLD absence. 'In China, decisions to prosecute senior officials are made at the top levels of the party hierarchy. These are not developments that outsiders can easily interpret or anticipate,' he said. From his assessment of the situation, it also appeared that Dong might have been given clearance to attend the summit in Singapore and may even have intended to go. 'But due to how the optics might play out, they likely opted for a lower-level delegation instead.' 'I don't believe this has anything to do with the current probe inside the PLA,' Lin added. REVERTING TO A PREVIOUS NORM Attended by world leaders and high-ranking government officials from more than 40 countries, as well as academics and business leaders, SLD is widely regarded as the region's most prominent multilateral forum on defence and security. China's attendance and participation is often among the highlights. The US has maintained consistent participation at the highest level, with its defence secretary attending every edition of the forum. By contrast, Beijing has varied its level of representation over the years, observers added. Since 2019, excluding 2020 and 2021 when the forum was cancelled due to the COVID-19 pandemic, China's last three defence ministers, Wei Fenghe, Li Shangfu, and Dong Jun each attended and delivered keynote speeches. But the level of engagement has not always been consistent, analysts noted. China began participating more actively in 2007, initially sending deputy chiefs of the General Staff, including Zhang Qinsheng and Ma Xiaotian, between 2007 and 2010. In 2011, during a period of improved China-US ties following then-President Hu Jintao's visit to Washington, Beijing dispatched its then-defence minister, Liang Guanglie, to the forum for the first time. But it lowered its profile the following year, sending Ren Haiquan, then vice president of the Academy of Military Sciences instead. Between 2013 and 2018, China continued to participate, but again at a sub-ministerial level. Delegation leaders during this period included Deputy Chiefs of the General Staff Qi Jianguo (2013), Wang Guanzhong (2014), and Sun Jianguo (2015 and 2016), as well as He Lei, vice president of the Academy of Military Sciences (2017 and 2018). The presence of Hegseth, an outspoken critic of China, may have been a significant factor in Beijing's decision not to send a defence minister to this year's SLD, analysts said. 'If Dong comes, he is basically coming here to get whacked by Hegseth,' Ho said. 'He is going to repeat very much the same lines, in a way, and if he doesn't repeat the same lines, then it's going to be much more aggressive.' 'For the Chinese, they don't see that the political conditions are right. Having a defence minister coming and saying certain things (in response), which may or may not run in accordance to what the party wants, might create more problems than solutions,' he added. China also has the Xiangshan Forum, its own security forum that's touted as an alternative to Singapore's SLD, Ho added. 'So in a way, they are not losing out because they have their own (security) platforms.' Tamkang University's Lin noted that Beijing favoured settings where it could shape its narrative. The Xiangshan Forum would be a much more comfortable platform for defence engagement as compared to the SLD. In his LinkedIn post, Thompson said Dong's absence could reflect deeper dissatisfaction with the nature of the SLD itself. 'I surmise Dong Jun's absence is a signal of frustration with the dialogue itself. They've never liked it, which is why they started the Xiangshan Forum,' said Thomson. He also recalled a past exchange. 'My PLA counterpart once explained what they didn't like. He said: 'We don't like being made out to be gladiators fighting one another for others' entertainment. We want to deal with our differences bilaterally, in channels, not in public forums.'' 'Beijing always wants to control the narrative and discourse. Shangri-La does not enable that. Xiangshan Forum does,' Thompson said. ABSENCE WITH A COST SLD remains one of the rare global venues which sees senior Chinese defence officials field direct questions from foreign counterparts, scholars and journalists - offering a rare window into Beijing's strategic posture. The presence of China's defence minister also enables other countries to engage Beijing in bilateral meetings on the sidelines of the forum. This year however, that opportunity will be missing, experts said. Dong's absence will be an 'opportunity loss' for Beijing, Ho said, noting that the decision likely reflects a calculated trade-off. 'They probably made a calculation to the extent that their strategic interest obviously outweighs the fact that they are absent … that the fact they can preserve their interest without being at the forum is something that probably swung the decision not to come,' he said. Ho pointed out that ministerial meetings can still happen through other channels. 'One could say that maybe the Chinese would find other avenues to meet the Americans, and not necessarily at the SLD. And I think vice versa - Americans will probably shrug and say, 'Okay, it's an opportunity loss, but we'll find other ways to meet the Chinese, assuming that's what they want to do.'' Thompson said that both Beijing and Washington still had pre existing bilateral mechanisms. 'Beijing knows how to engage Washington and does not need third countries to facilitate. If political conditions are right, the PLA will meet with the DOD,' he said. The overall strategic cost of skipping the forum would likely be minimal for Beijing, Lim said, adding that the Chinese defence minister typically served more as a diplomatic envoy than a core decision-maker. 'Take for instance regional players including ASEAN nations - they will be understanding of how China manages its representation,' Lim said. 'They have other avenues to engage with Beijing, and some of these, away from the glare of media and in a bilateral format, would probably be as useful, if not more useful, than a full-scale forum,' Lim said.