
CJI Gavai flags drift from ‘bail is rule & jail the exception'
Delivering the 11th Justice VR Krishna Iyer Memorial Law Lecture in Kochi, Justice Gavai expressed concern over the growing culture of prolonged incarceration of undertrials and the tendency of courts to prioritise custodial detention over bail.
'In the recent past, this principle (bail is the rule) was somewhat forgotten,' he said, referring to Justice Krishna Iyer's pioneering contributions to bail jurisprudence and humane criminal procedure. It was Justice Iyer who laid down this principle through his judgments and fiercely championed it.
'I am happy to state that I had the opportunity in the last year, 2024, to reiterate this legal principle in the cases of Prabir Purkayastha, Manish Sisodia, and Kavita Vs ED,' said the CJI, making a strong case for reviving the pro-liberty judicial stance that was once the hallmark of Indian courts.
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In the cases of Prabir Purkayastha, Manish Sisodia, and Kavita, the Supreme Court, with Justice Gavai on the bench, underscored the centrality of personal liberty in the criminal justice system while ruling that the deprivation of liberty cannot be justified without strict adherence to legal safeguards. These rulings reflected a conscious effort by the apex court to breathe life into Justice Iyer's principle that bail should be the norm, not the exception, and that liberty cannot be held hostage to procedural expediency.
Quoting Justice Iyer's landmark ruling in Gudikanti Narasimhulu Vs State of Andhra Pradesh (1978), the CJI said: 'Heavy bail from poor man is obviously wrong. Poverty is society's malady and sympathy, not sternness, is the judicial response.' He added that Justice Iyer's jurisprudence reminded judges to consider factors such as the period spent in jail and the likelihood of delay in appeals while deciding bail pleas, instead of imposing onerous and exclusionary conditions.
Justice Gavai's remarks come amid increasing judicial and public scrutiny over delayed bail hearings, procedural rigidity, and the lack of a uniform, compassionate approach to undertrial detention -- issues that have seen the Supreme Court question both high courts and district judiciary in recent months.
The CJI, who will demit office in November, recalled that Justice Iyer's ideas continue to guide his own judicial reasoning, including in major decisions delivered last year. 'I relied on Justice Krishna Iyer's judicial philosophy in many cases, and I am still doing that,' he said.
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In his speech, themed 'Role of Justice VR Krishna Iyer in Balancing the Fundamental Rights and Directive Principles of State Policy', Justice Gavai paid rich tribute to Justice Iyer's progressive blend of legal reasoning and social empathy. 'Justice Krishna Iyer stood up for the poor and the underprivileged, and remained a human rights champion, a crusader for social justice and the environment, and a doyen of civil liberties throughout his life,' he said.
Justice Gavai highlighted how Justice Iyer's judicial philosophy reshaped several areas of constitutional law, from prison reform to affirmative action, from the right to life under Article 21 to the abolition of the death penalty.
Justice Gavai also acknowedged Justice Iyer's seminal role in expanding the scope of Article 21 in Maneka Gandhi Vs Union of India (1978), where the latter observed: 'Personal liberty makes for the worth of the human person.' These words, he said, formed the bedrock for future judicial pronouncements that recognised rights such as access to clean water, food, shelter and healthcare as integral to the right to life.
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The CJI concluded. 'Every time a bench prioritizes substantive justice over technicalities... every time the court upholds human dignity and social equity, Justice Krishna Iyer's legacy is not just honoured, but actively lived.'
Justice Iyer served as a Supreme Court judge from 1973 to 1980, leaving an indelible mark through his activist jurisprudence and deep empathy for the marginalised. He passed away on December 4, 2014, at the age of 100.

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The Print
42 minutes ago
- The Print
Bihar is ripe for civil disobedience over electoral roll revision. 50 yrs ago, JP showed the way
As it is, there are serious suspicions about India's election system being weaponised to facilitate easy stealing of people's mandate. This has led to calls for 'civil disobedience,' publicly aired by a sitting MP from West Bengal, Mahua Moitra. It won't be long before this call catches up and reverberates across the country. As India commemorates the 50th anniversary of Emergency, Bihar — the land of Jayaprakash Narayan, the 'realis causa' of that dark era — is in turmoil. And for very good reasons. Around 30 to 40 percent of the state's voting population faces 'disenfranchisement' due to the hasty, arbitrary, and whimsical special intensive revision of the electoral rolls ordered by the Election Commission of India. Writing the 'foreword' for historian Dharampal's 1971 book, Civil Disobedience in India Tradition, JP wrote: 'There had developed in the course of Indian history an understanding between the ruled and the ruler as to their respective rights and responsibilities. Whenever this traditional pattern of relationship was disturbed by an autocratic ruler, the people were entitled to offer resistance in the customary manner, that is, by peaceful non-cooperation and civil disobedience. It also appears that in the event of such action, the response of the ruling authority was not to treat it as unlawful defiance, rebellion, or disloyalty that had to be put down at any cost before the issue in dispute could be taken up, but as rightful action that called for speedy negotiated settlement.' Also read: The mystery of JP's kidney failure continues. There was a purpose behind it JP's civil disobedience movement JP virtually kickstarted the civil disobedience movement from Patna on 5 June 1974 with these stentorian words: 'This is a revolution, friends! We are not here merely to see the Vidhan Sabha dissolved. That is only one milestone on our journey. But we have a long way to go… After 27 years of freedom, the people of this country are wracked by hunger, rising prices, corruption… oppressed by every kind of injustice… it is a Total Revolution we want, nothing less!' This launched the 'JP Movement', which was a coalition of organisations and individuals with very diverse beliefs, preoccupations, life circumstances, and objectives. Though 'Total Revolution' was the ultimate objective, the JP Movement commenced with civil disobedience, peaceful resistance, and non-cooperation. This was because JP took inspiration from the old idiom 'aim for the sky and you'll reach the stars' that encourages ambitious goal-setting and striving for great things. As per the template, on 7 June 1974, a non-violent satyagraha was initiated. JP called for the closure of all colleges and universities for a year. He also encouraged people not to pay tax and launched related campaigns to paralyse the government. In the following days, several people were arrested while picketing and offering dharna before the Assembly gates. Even when the Assembly session concluded on 13 July, there was no let-up in the demands and agitations for its dissolution. JP's call for the boycott of classes and exams elicited a mixed response. The first phase of the agitation concluded in the third week of July. The second and more intense phase began on 1 August, with the commencement of no-tax campaigns. Farmers were advised to withhold the state levy on food grains meant for the public distribution system. Wine and country liquor shops were picketed. There was complete mayhem. Exceptions were made only for departments like post and telegraph, hospitals, courts, railways, banks, and ration shops. JP directed students to hold ten to fifteen meetings in each assembly constituency to turn public opinion against non-performing MLAs. Addressing a public meeting in Jamshedpur, JP urged the police to disobey orders that their conscience told them were improper. He also warned, for the present, the call is on Gandhian lines and should not be mistaken for a call for rebellion. But a stage will come when he would call for total rebellion. By October, a certain fatigue seemed to have set in, even as there were increased incidences of violence and coercion in implementing the civil disobedience programme. Largely restricted to urban areas, the protests were failing to draw in poor peasants, agricultural workers, and casual labourers. To energise the movement and expand its base, JP announced a new plan of action, which included the intensification of the struggle from 2 October. A three-day bandh was organised between 3 and 5 October. Leading the bandh, JP marched through the streets of Patna on 3 October with his followers. People lined the streets to support him. He ended his march at the gate of the secretariat and sat in dharna, surrounded by supporters, curious onlookers, the media, and sections of the bureaucracy. Following the success of the bandh, JP posed another direct challenge to state power. Students and Jana Sangharsh Samiti (People's Struggle Committee) volunteers were directed to move in strength to block, subdivision, and district offices to paralyse their work and set up parallel, revolutionary people's governments or Janata sarkars. These micro-organs of people's power were expected to adjudicate disputes, ensure the sale of essential commodities at fair prices, organise redistribution of ceiling-surplus land amongst the landless, prevent black market activities and hoarding, and fight against caste oppression. They were also expected to gradually bring about a shift in people's consciousness and make them reject untouchability, casteism and its symbols like the donning of the sacred thread by Brahmins, patriarchy, and its manifestation in early marriage and dowry. Also read: Modi govt's assault on democracy is more sinister than the Emergency. Look at the differences Why people followed JP's call for action Even though JP repeatedly said that the movement was democratic and non-violent, the agitations were not entirely free of coercive violence. Shopkeepers were forced to pull down their shutters. Trains and buses were arbitrarily stopped. At Bhabua, Sasaram, Samastipur, Sitamarhi, Muzaffarpur, and Danapur stations, young children blocked railway tracks. The police retaliated with ruthless brutality. Hundreds of students were beaten up and arrested including several women and girls. 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While these parties, organisations, and sectors were no more diverse than the factions within Congress, they did not have a cause and a leader to unite them until the opposition to Congress rule intensified, and JP emerged for them to rally behind. The reason JP was able to perform this role was because of his public stature. He had a reputation for honesty and incorruptibility, for moral and physical courage (the latter derived from his bold exploits during the freedom struggle), for his deep concern for the fate of the Indian people, and perhaps most importantly, for his refusal to take up positions of power. In Indian tradition, there is the figure of the rishi (seer) who does not hold power, but instead exercises moral authority over those who do. Gandhi was considered such a person, and people came to see JP in the same light. Today, JP's cause for people's action not only survives, but has grown stronger. The true patriot has already paved the way. [Portions of the article are from the writer's recent Book 'Emergency and Neo-Emergency: Who will Defend Democracy?', The Browser, Chandigarh] M.G. Devasahayam is a retired IAS officer and chairman of People-First. He also served in the Indian Army. As the District Magistrate of Chandigarh, he was the custodian of JP in jail. He had a ringside view of Emergency and has written a book titled Emergency and Neo-Emergency: Who will defend Democracy?. Views are personal. Views are personal. (Edited by Prashant)


Economic Times
42 minutes ago
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United News of India
an hour ago
- United News of India
PM hails inclusion of Maratha military landscapes in UNESCO World Heritage list
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