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10 ‘pure value' stocks favored by analysts to soar 20% to 96% over the next year

10 ‘pure value' stocks favored by analysts to soar 20% to 96% over the next year

Yahoo24-04-2025

Way back on Jan. 21, we screened the S&P 500 to identify value stocks that appeared to have some characteristics of growth stocks, to help long-term investors identify potential bargains in a market that was still riding high. Now it's time to take another look at value stocks, in light of the broad decline for the market and to help investors look beyond the day-to-day turmoil.
When we ran that previous screen, the S&P 500 SPX was up 2% for 2025, following returns of 25% in 2024 and 26.3% in 2023, all with dividends reinvested. There was some concern among investors that the large-cap U.S. benchmark index was expensive. At that time, the forward price-to-earnings ratio of the SPDR S&P 500 ETF Trust SPY, which tracks the index by holding all of its stocks, was 21.6 — which was 9% higher than its five-year average valuation and 18% higher than its 10-year average valuation. That ratio is the exchange-traded fund's price divided by rolling consensus 12-month earnings-per-share estimates for its component stocks among analysts polled by FactSet, weighted by market capitalization.
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Through Monday, the S&P 500 was down 12% for 2025 (again, with dividends reinvested) and its forward P/E ratio had declined to 18.7, well below its five-year valuation of 20.3 and slightly above its 10-year average of 18.6.
One summary of investors' reactions this month to the day-to-day tariff announcements, and more recently to President Donald Trump's public attacks on Federal Reserve Chair Jerome Powell, came from John McClain, a bond portfolio manager at Brandywine Global, during an interview with MarketWatch on Monday: 'We have seen some vicious snapbacks. The moment we get any positive move, investors don't want to be caught offsides,' he said. 'This is a market that wants to be first, not right.'
But long-term investors might prefer to think about opportunities in this market to pay reduced prices while putting money to work for a period of years. If you are building up a retirement nest egg, isn't it better to buy stocks, or shares of equity funds, at lower prices?
On the other hand, if you are looking for a combination of growth and income, lower prices for companies with decent prospects for increasing their revenue and earnings could help you identify attractive dividend payers.
Value stocks are generally considered to be those that trade relatively low relative to earnings and that are expected to expand their businesses relatively slowly. Companies in the value camp typically pay dividends. Growth stocks tend to be more expensive relative to earnings, and the companies often don't pay dividends as they focus on expansion.
S&P Dow Jones Indices divides the S&P 500 into the S&P 500 Value Index and the S&P 500 Growth Index by scoring stocks based on various factors. Valuation metrics include book value, earnings and revenue to price, while growth metrics include trailing three-year growth rates for earnings and revenue, as well as 12-month price momentum.
But this scoring methodology leads to overlapping groups of stocks. There are 398 stocks in the S&P 500 Value Index, which is tracked by the iShares S&P 500 Value ETF IVE. There are 211 stocks in the in the S&P 500 Growth Index, which is tracked by the iShares S&P 500 Growth ETF IVW. The Value and Growth indexes are weighted by market capitalization.
Apple Inc. AAPL, for example, is the largest component of the iShares S&P 500 Value ETF, making up 7.2% of the portfolio. Apple is the third-largest component of the iShares S&P 500 Growth ETF, with a 6.1% portfolio weighting, behind Nvidia Corp. NVDA at 10.8% and Microsoft Corp. MSFT at 6.3%.
For investors who wish to avoid that value/growth overlap, S&P goes further with the S&P 500 Pure Value and Pure Growth indexes, which are weighted by S&P's value or growth scores, rather than by market cap. So these not only narrow the focus, they get away from the market-cap weighting that has reflected the dominance of Big Tech over the past several years.
And S&P's 'pure' approach is also applied to the S&P MidCap 400 Index MID and the S&P Small Cap 600 Index SML. So the following screen begins with the holdings of three Invesco exchange-traded funds that track S&P's Pure Value indexes:
So far this year, the non-cap-weighted pure-value approach has held up better than the cap-weighted value approach and the full-cap-weighted S&P 500. Again, these returns include reinvested dividends:
Together, there are 336 stocks in the three S&P Pure Value indexes. The full underlying indexes that the stocks are selected from make up the S&P Composite 1500 Index XX:SP1500. And S&P has its own selection criteria for companies initially to be included in its broad indexes, which are outlined here and include four consecutive quarters of profitability.
To screen the full group of pure value stocks for growth characteristics, we began by looking at FactSet's estimates for the S&P Composite 1500's revenue and earnings growth from 2024 through 2026. FactSet adjusts the data to match calendar years, for companies whose fiscal years don't match the calendar.
Based on the estimates, the S&P Composite 1500 is expected to show two-year compound annual growth rates of 5.5% for revenue and 12.6% for earnings per share from 2024 through 2026.
Starting with our list of 336 pure value stocks, we narrowed the group to 283 companies covered by at least five analysts polled by FactSet. Then we cut the list to 122 companies rated a buy or the equivalent by a majority of the analysts.
Among the remaining 122 companies, only 10 are expected to increase their revenue at a CAGR of at least 11% (double that expected for the S&P Composite 1500) from 2024 through 2026. We are going to list them three times in the same order.
First, here are the 10 companies that passed the screen, sorted by projected revenue CAGR through 2026:
Company
Ticker
Industry
Two-year estimated revenue CAGR through 2026
Forward P/E
EQT Corp.
EQT
Integrated Oil
32.8%
12.9
Smurfit Westrock PLC
SW
Containers/ Packaging
24.7%
12.3
Coterra Energy Inc.
CTRA
Integrated Oil
23.5%
8.1
Sonoco Products Co.
SON
Containers/ Packaging
21.4%
7.2
Diamondback Energy Inc.
FANG
Oil and Gas Production
15.1%
9.3
Encore Capital Group Inc.
ECPG
Debt Recovery/ Loan Servicing
15.1%
4.6
Bill Holdings Inc.
BILL
Software
14.4%
19.0
First American Financial Corp.
FAF
Title Insurance and Loan Servicing
13.4%
10.8
Crescent Energy Co. Class A
CRGY
Integrated Oil
12.7%
5.6
Kemper Corp.
KMPR
Property/ Casualty Insurance
11.2%
8.7
Sources: FactSet, company filings
The table includes forward P/E ratios in the rightmost column. These are Monday's closing prices divided by consensus EPS estimates for the next 12 months among analysts polled by FactSet. They are low for most of the companies when compared with the forward P/E of 18.7 for the S&P 500, 13.7 for the S&P MidCap 400 and 17.9 for the S&P Small Cap 600.
You might need to scroll the table or flip your screen to landscape to see all of the columns, depending on the device or web browser you are using.
There are four oil producers on the list, and fears of a possible recession in the wake of Trump's tariff policies have helped push front-month contracts for West Texas Crude oil CL00 down to $63.35 a barrel as of early Tuesday, from $71.72 at the end of last year.
So there has been pressure on energy stocks. But there has been 'massive discipline around spending' among U.S. oil producers, according to Nichole Hammond, who co-manages the Angel Oak High Yield Opportunities ETF AOHY. During an interview with MarketWatch on Monday, she said this discipline left the U.S. oil and natural gas industry in much better financial shape than it was in during the energy commodity price declines in 2015 and 2016.
Here is the list again, this time showing EPS for calendar 2024 with estimates for 2025 and 2026, all adjusted if necessary for companies whose fiscal years don't match the calendar. Projected two-year EPS CAGR are to the right:
Company
Ticker
2024 EPS
Est. 2025 EPS
Est. 2026 EPS
Two-year estimated EPS CAGR through 2026
EQT Corp.
EQT
$0.45
$3.27
$4.68
223.2%
Smurfit Westrock PLC
SW
$0.82
$3.10
$3.78
114.7%
Coterra Energy Inc.
CTRA
$1.50
$2.94
$3.29
47.9%
Sonoco Products Co.
SON
$1.65
$5.91
$6.42
97.1%
Diamondback Energy Inc.
FANG
$15.53
$14.25
$14.05
-4.9%
Encore Capital Group Inc.
ECPG
-$5.83
$5.93
$8.06
N/A
Bill Holdings Inc.
BILL
$0.09
$2.04
$2.44
409.9%
First American Financial Corp.
FAF
$1.26
$4.96
$6.09
120.1%
Crescent Energy Co. Class A
CRGY
-$0.88
$1.45
$1.48
N/A
Kemper Corp.
KMPR
$4.91
$6.13
$6.71
16.9%
Source: FactSet
EPS CAGR is marked 'N/A' for companies that had negative earnings in calendar 2024.
This last table includes dividend yields and consensus price targets for the group:
Company
Ticker
Dividend yield
April 22 price
Cons. price target
Implied 12-month upside potential
EQT Corp.
EQT
1.32%
$47.68
$57.44
20%
Smurfit Westrock PLC
SW
3.39%
$40.78
$56.81
39%
Coterra Energy Inc.
CTRA
3.43%
$24.81
$34.14
38%
Sonoco Products Co.
SON
4.88%
$43.44
$55.75
28%
Diamondback Energy Inc.
FANG
3.02%
$132.35
$191.68
45%
Encore Capital Group Inc.
ECPG
0.00%
$30.52
$59.75
96%
Bill Holdings Inc.
BILL
0.00%
$39.86
$75.23
89%
First American Financial Corp.
FAF
3.79%
$57.02
$76.20
34%
Crescent Energy Co. Class A
CRGY
5.93%
$8.10
$14.40
78%
Kemper Corp.
KMPR
2.32%
$55.12
$84.40
53%
Source: FactSet
Click on the tickers for more about each company
Read: Tomi Kilgore's detailed guide to the information available on the MarketWatch quote page
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GOP megabill takes aim at universities — except for this conservative Christian college
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President Donald Trump and Republicans in Congress are angling to use their megabill to turn the screws on elite liberal colleges that take millions in taxpayer funds while sitting on endowments worth tens of billions of dollars. But a single college that's a paragon of conservative higher education has managed to secure a carveout after finding itself in the crossfire. Hillsdale College, a Christian liberal arts school of fewer than 2,000 students located in southern Michigan, is one of a slew of smaller institutions that had been working to avoid being swept up in the GOP effort to raise taxes on the seemingly bottomless endowments of household names like Harvard, Princeton and Yale. But Hillsdale stands apart from those schools: For one, it's a rare institution of higher learning that the modern Republican Party applauds. Just as uncommon, Hillsdale accepts no funding from the federal government: 'The founders of our nation chose independence. As do we,' the college boasts in advertisements. That formed the crux of its argument that, on principle, Hillsdale and schools like it should not be subject to a federal tax on endowments. Senate Republicans heeded that logic in their version of the reconciliation bill that the party hopes to send to Trump's desk next week by including an exemption for schools that fit Hillsdale's profile. The reprieve is by no means guaranteed, as Hillsdale found out eight years ago. Democrats that year seized on the university's unique position, branding the exemption as an earmark for a political ally and ultimately getting it stripped from the 2017 Tax Cuts and Jobs Act with the help of a handful of Republican senators. That's why Hillsdale turned earlier this year to professional advocates for help with the latest endowment tax proposal. In April, the college retained Williams and Jensen to lobby on 'specific threats to the institutional and financial independence of the college, primarily related to the higher education endowment tax,' according to a disclosure filing. The team of lobbyists working on the account includes Dan Ziegler, who served as House Speaker Mike Johnson's top policy aide before returning to the lobbying firm in March, and who previously served as executive director of the conservative Republican Study Committee. In its meetings with policymakers, Hillsdale has reiterated its general opposition to using the tax code as a blunt force object — reaching often for the declaration from former Supreme Court Chief Justice John Marshall that 'the power to tax involves the power to destroy.' Beyond that, it has stuck to its insistence that schools that have sworn off taxpayer money should be left out of the endowment tax scheme altogether. That could end up incentivizing more institutions to follow in Hillsdale's footsteps — especially with the Trump administration taking aim at colleges' federal funding — whereas a tax hike might throw up financial roadblocks for schools who might be eyeing a move toward independence. Hillsdale's message has landed favorably on the Hill, according to a person familiar with those discussions who was granted anonymity to discuss sensitive deliberations. The person noted that the school hadn't encountered much opposition to its position on principle. Failing to exempt schools that don't accept federal funds 'penalizes most severely those institutions that have chosen the harder path of independence' from the federal government and the conditions of accepting that money, Hillsdale President Larry Arnn wrote in an op-ed in May. 'Worse still,' he added, 'this tax turns the incentives backward; it rewards dependence and punishes self-reliance. It encourages institutions to seek the shelter of government aid, where subsidies can offset tax burdens.' Hillsdale declined to comment on the record. Hillsdale has proudly touted its independence for refusing direct government funds since its founding by abolitionists in 1844. In the 1980s, Hillsdale was faced with a Supreme Court civil rights ruling that would've required universities to track admissions by race and bar sex-based discrimination in order to accept federal financial aid from students. In response, the school declared that it would no longer accept such assistance. Hillsdale's break from what it calls governmental overreach has made it at home with the right. Conservative luminary William Buckley donated much of his lifetime of writings to the school in the early 2000s. In 2016, Hillsdale hosted Supreme Court Justice Clarence Thomas as its commencement speaker. More recently, Republican leaders like Florida Gov. 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Inside Nippon Steel's bruising efforts that paved the way to buying U.S. Steel
Inside Nippon Steel's bruising efforts that paved the way to buying U.S. Steel

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Nippon Steel's announcement in December 2023 that it would take over U.S. Steel seemed doomed from the start: a deal, cut by a foreign company, involving workers in an iconic American manufacturing industry, in the swing state of Pennsylvania, in a presidential election year. The Japanese steelmaker's executives appeared to underestimate the political ramifications in those early days, a miscalculation they would spend the next 18 months rectifying through an unusually hands-on campaign to secure the deal, according to three people familiar with the company's outreach who like others in this story spoke on the condition of anonymity to discuss private conversations. Nippon Steel declined to comment for this story. In the months before President Joe Biden blocked the sale in January, citing national security concerns, the company's executives held meetings in the Pittsburgh-memorabilia-filled garage office of Mayor Chris Kelly in West Mifflin, home to a U.S. Steel plant; held town halls; cheered on the Steelers; and won over local and state officials whose appeals, Nippon Steel said, to President Donald Trump were key to the eventual acquisition, finalized this month. The whiplash ordeal revealed how investing in America could come with a significant risk even for a staunch U.S. security ally like Japan and that doing business in an increasingly protectionist and politicized environment could be fraught regardless of which party is in the White House, Japanese analysts said. 'Washington is now using national security as pretext for a lot of things, but, actually, many of those things are not [a threat],' said Taro Kono, a Japanese lawmaker and former foreign minister. 'Nippon Steel could have invested years ago, and it took so long. … Politics intervened. And that is not a good sign.' The December 2023 announcement of the takeover from Nippon Steel and U.S. Steel came as a surprise to key Japanese ministries, many Pennsylvania steelworkers and several U.S.-Japan experts who had been following the developments. Nippon Steel had minimal formal lobbying effort in the United States at the time, leaving it vulnerable to the immediate political backlash, the people familiar said. Nippon Steel's early hands-off approach reflected a longstanding Japanese corporate mindset that politics and business should be kept separate, analysts said, which proved impossible in this case. In November, Japan's prime minister wrote a letter to Biden asking him to approve the deal, breaking with Tokyo's stance at that point of not having the country's leader merge politics with business. 'This isn't just about economics anymore; it's about strategic interest,' said a senior Japanese business official unrelated to the deal, speaking anonymously because that person was not authorized to speak publicly. 'One of the most striking takeaways from this Nippon Steel-U.S. Steel deal was how directly government policies can influence business outcomes now.' To many in the Japanese business community, it seemed like a no-brainer deal. Nippon Steel would bring fresh investment and cutting-edge technology, grow American steelmaking and create jobs, the company assured. Both steel companies had already agreed to the merger, after all. It was just a matter of getting Americans to see it that way. Nippon Steel quickly switched to an all-hands-on-deck offensive strategy, hiring Washington powerhouse lobbying firm Akin Gump — which it has paid more than $5 million since 2024, disclosures compiled by OpenSecrets show — to convince decision-makers on Capitol Hill, in the White House and on the National Security Council. As the presidential campaign unfolded, the company also hired lobbying firm Ballard Partners, which has deep ties to Trump's orbit, and brought on Mike Pompeo, Trump's former secretary of state, as an adviser to help with its outreach in Washington. Meanwhile, company executives, led by veteran negotiator Takahiro Mori, embedded in local communities in Pennsylvania. It was a personal approach to lobbying that few Japanese companies had employed until then, analysts said. Through each appearance on local talk radio, trade publications and town halls, Mori's message remained consistent: The deal would be good for America and would protect U.S. jobs. Privately, Mori made the case to Pennsylvania leaders that there was not a better alternative for the state's workers and the future of the American steel industry — and that Nippon Steel would make sure the deal is advantageous to the American side, one of the people familiar with Nippon Steel's efforts said. Company executives also took meetings regardless of party with leaders at all levels, such as union representatives, county commissioners and state lawmakers. Among those lawmakers was Pennsylvania state Sen. Kim Ward (R), who regularly met with Nippon Steel executives in 2024 through the finalization of the deal, her office said. Ward wrote letters to Biden and Gov. Josh Shapiro (D) encouraging them to accept the deal and, during the Trump administration, met with White House staffers and related government agencies to relay the importance of the project, the office said. 'Over the past 18 months, we made numerous trips, investing time and effort in dialogue with political, economic and community leaders,' Mori said in a news conference last week. 'That helped them understand the true value of the deal, which I believe ultimately persuaded Trump.' The grassroots campaign showed the importance of building relationships with stakeholders outside Washington, which the Japanese business community has been increasingly doing, said Jun Sawada, chairman of the Tokyo-based Japan-U.S. Business Council and chairman of Japanese telecommunications company NTT. 'Our strategy is going to change,' Sawada said. '... We have to respect the local side and delegate a lot of the decision to the local side.' To boot, Nippon Steel had a particularly hard-charging chief executive, Eiji Hashimoto, who wouldn't take no for an answer, even when the deal all but seemed to fall apart by the end of the Biden administration. Hashimoto 'really committed to a 100 percent acquisition,' said Yuichi Kori, government affairs expert at Edelman Japan. '... I've never seen a Japanese CEO continue with this strong mind until the completion of the deal. To me, that was amazing.' Trump opposed the purchase during the presidential campaign, but his election presented a new opportunity for the Japanese company. In Biden's final month in office, Nippon Steel sued the administration over its efforts to block the deal, but executives were able to approach the Trump administration with a clean slate. In February, Japanese Prime Minister Shigeru Ishiba met with Trump in Washington. Japanese government officials had been facilitating meetings between Nippon Steel and administration officials, and they met with Nippon Steel as they prepared to brief Ishiba ahead of his visit, said a Japanese government official. At a joint news conference after the two leaders' meeting, Trump declared that Nippon Steel's acquisition would be 'an investment, rather than a purchase' — signaling an openness to working out an arrangement. The talking point echoed what Ishiba and Trump discussed, said two other Japanese officials. 'I think, frankly, that was inspired. And that opened the door to a larger conversation about how it would work,' said William Chou, deputy director of the Hudson Institute's Japan Chair. Ishiba's involvement also reflected a broader acknowledgement among Japanese officials and businesses that there was a lot on the line in U.S.-Japan relations if the deal fell through, said Joshua Walker, president of Japan Society: 'They understood that if this deal got killed, it would put a pretty serious cloud over all deals in the U.S.' The moment was a turning point that showed Trump — who has called for foreign companies to invest in America and wanted to revive the U.S. manufacturing industry — would be negotiable, analysts said. Nippon Steel sweetened the deal with $11 billion in investments by 2028 on top of the acquisition. And the company doubled down on terms that it had agreed to previously: a corporate board made up of a majority of U.S. citizens and an American chief executive. Ultimately, the negotiations ended in an extraordinary move to grant the U.S. government a 'golden share,' which would allow it to retain oversight and veto power on certain corporate functions, including transferring jobs outside the United States. Nippon Steel and the U.S. government also signed a national security agreement. The deal has now prompted concerns over whether Japanese companies would need to forge a golden share-like agreement in future U.S. deals, Sawada said. With the ongoing tariff negotiations with the U.S., Japanese companies are grappling with an increasingly protectionist America, Sawada said. 'We need to recognize that the world order has already changed from a globalism to ... country-first and trade-issue [focused] models, back to 100 years [ago],' Sawada said. Last month, Trump held a rally in West Mifflin to greenlight the agreement. Even until the rally, company executives weren't sure where the U.S. president would land, Hashimoto said during a news conference in Tokyo last week. 'The employees, including union members, asked him to approve the deal and cheered his speech,' Hashimoto said. 'That's when I thought: We're going to make it.' On June 13, Trump signed an executive order enabling the acquisition. Nippon Steel and the U.S. government reached their agreement past midnight. 'When we walked out after midnight, that's when I finally believed it was real,' Mori said. Chie Tanaka contributed to this report.

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