logo
Indiana prides itself on work. What happens when AI takes our jobs?

Indiana prides itself on work. What happens when AI takes our jobs?

Yahoo20-05-2025
Strip away much of the toxicity and rancor, and a common throughline emerges in recent political developments at both the state and federal level: work. Work is central to our political and cultural identities.
I'll admit that I've felt this personally. After leaving an intense, all-consuming job for something slower-paced, I've struggled with just how much of my identity is tied up in what I do.
To oversimplify a complex phenomenon, much of the appeal of Trumpism is rooted in emotions and anxieties about work, whether it's about jobs that went overseas or jobs that are being taken by perceived interlopers.
Consider the only seemingly certain outcome in the federal policy fight over Medicaid reform: the imposition of work requirements. Or the most significant policy shift in Gov. Mike Braun's Make Indiana Healthy Again agenda: again, work requirements for nutrition assistance.
Or look at the main argument advocates make when pushing for more investment in child care, public transit, or mental health services: these are framed as tools to strengthen the workforce. And of course, for most of us, our access to health care remains tied directly to employment.
Set aside the fact that work requirements don't really work, or that the workforce justification for social investment is dubious at best. What matters is the political and cultural resonance of these ideas. Americans – especially Hoosiers – overwhelmingly believe that work is a duty and a responsibility, and that there's intrinsic dignity in working hard to put food on the table.
It's a reasonable, even admirable, worldview. American industriousness and Midwestern grit have fueled one of the most extraordinary runs of prosperity in world history, and at the very core of that story is work.
Taken together, this is our dominant political philosophy, not only in Indiana but the U.S. overall: the politics of personal responsibility. In this framework, work is central to how we understand ourselves, and the proper role of government is to step in to help people only to the extent that they are incapable of helping themselves through work.
All of that is about to be tested.
AI.
I'm talking, of course, about artificial intelligence. A couple caveats: Making specific predictions about the evolution of AI is a fool's errand. Let's also set aside the more extreme AI doomsday scenarios, not because they aren't worth thinking about, but because they distract from what's already happening. The one thing we do know is that everything we think we know about work is going to change.
It's worth engaging with the standard free-market response here. The argument goes like this: Technological revolutions always bring disruption and fear, but they also create new opportunities we can't yet imagine. When the dust settles, most workers are better off than before. It happened with the industrial revolution, the automobile and the internet, so why should AI be different?
They could be right, of course. But many serious observers argue this time is, in fact, different, for a very specific reason. In all those earlier shifts, humans remained at the center. People drove innovation and strategy. Adoption of new technology was guided by firm human hands. Automation increased, but people were the ones doing the automating.
This time, the automation is being automated, and that changes everything. All signs point to the idea that we are on the verge of unleashing an autonomous superintelligence chiefly tasked with advancing itself.
This is the furthest thing from an original insight. Read analysis like the AI 2027 report for a deeper dive. For more on workforce trends, read the work of people like Brookings' Molly Kinder, whose research has found that the jobs in the most imminent danger are clerical jobs in the service sector. These jobs are not glamorous, but they offer stability and a foothold in the middle class. They are also predominantly held by women who are often a primary breadwinner for their families.
What happens when those jobs go away, and soon?
But this column isn't about technology or the workforce. It's about politics. And the central question is this: Can a political culture so tightly bound to the idea of work handle what's coming?
Everyone is aware of the issue. Every state, including Indiana, has some form of AI task force grappling with these questions. But those efforts tend to focus on sectors (which industries are most at risk?) or skills (what do workers need to stay competitive?).
What many people expect, though, is not just a shift in the type of work, but a sharp reduction in the amount of work available for people to do. Productivity and innovation will likely soar and those advances will almost entirely be machine-driven. Entire categories of jobs will become superfluous and irrelevant, much faster than most people think.
So how do we reconcile that with a political framework in which work is the condition for receiving help or being seen as a contributing member of society? In a political culture where 'able-bodied' people who don't work are cast as takers, or where government help is derided as a 'handout,' how do we rethink the relationship between work and worth?
It might seem silly or alarmist to make this argument at a time when we have many more job openings than available workers. And there are many reasons why this could not go the way most observers think it will. See above about the folly of making predictions.
But, if this big shift does happen, it will happen, to borrow the famous Hemingway phrase, 'gradually, then suddenly.' We are in the gradual growth phase right now. If we wait until we know it is happening to act, it could be too late.
At some point – maybe not in 2027, or even 2032, but eventually – we'll have to confront the question of how to decouple work from survival. Or even more radically, from thriving. In all likelihood, the means and resources will be there. I'm not so sure about the will.
And frankly, looking at Hoosier politics in 2025, it doesn't feel like we're anywhere close to even being ready for this conversation.
Jay Chaudhary is the former director of the Indiana Division of Mental Health and Addiction and chair of the Indiana Behavioral Health Commission. He writes the Substack, Favorable Thriving Conditions.
This article originally appeared on Indianapolis Star: Artificial intelligence mocks Indiana's work requirements | Opinion
Orange background

Try Our AI Features

Explore what Daily8 AI can do for you:

Comments

No comments yet...

Related Articles

I'm worried about my friends on the other side of the aisle
I'm worried about my friends on the other side of the aisle

USA Today

time6 minutes ago

  • USA Today

I'm worried about my friends on the other side of the aisle

I'm worried about my friends on the other side of the political aisle. Two weeks ago in this newsletter, I wrote about how Texas House Democrats were making fools of themselves, fleeing to states like Illinois, to protest Republicans' efforts to redraw voting district maps to gain five more seats in Congress. To be clear, Republicans looked silly too. But Democrats continue to escalate the matter, and the whole thing has become a farce for Republicans, Democrats and the state. Texas Rep. Nicole Collier spent two nights on the Texas House floor after refusing to consent to a law enforcement escort. House Speaker Dustin Burrows announced Aug. 18 that Democrats who fled the state to protest redistricting would be required to have a police escort to leave the floor. Collier refused to submit, saying she was the victim of 'illegal confinement.' 'This is the fight that all of us have in resisting, you know, the end of our democracy, basically,' Collier said. The whole thing is nonsense, but Texas Democrats in particular look more unhinged than ever. They're not the only ones. California Gov. Gavin Newsom's press office has started trolling President Donald Trump on X by posting in all caps to mimic Trump's unique communication style. In a post Aug. 19, Newsom slammed Fox News' Dana Perino – whose show I was on last week – ending with 'THANK YOU FOR YOUR ATTENTION TO THIS MATTER,' Trump's signature sign off. The account has also mocked Vice President JD Vance's physical appearance. Real classy. Perhaps Newsom's office is trying to be witty, but their messaging falls flat. Trump posts comments on social media like a middle school kid, but he also is brokering peace between warring nations, improving trade policy and bolstering the economy. Newsom's California, meanwhile, is in rapid decline. Americans have noticed that Democratic leaders are increasingly unhinged. The Real Clear Politics polling average shows Democrats with an unfavorable rating of about 60%. Only a third of Americans have a favorable view of the Democratic Party. The party's future looks grim, and dashing out of state to avoid a legislative vote or posting obnoxious messages on social media won't help. Read more from me and my colleagues:

Americans worry democracy in danger amid gerrymandering fights, Reuters/Ipsos poll finds
Americans worry democracy in danger amid gerrymandering fights, Reuters/Ipsos poll finds

USA Today

time6 minutes ago

  • USA Today

Americans worry democracy in danger amid gerrymandering fights, Reuters/Ipsos poll finds

WASHINGTON, Aug 21 (Reuters) - Most Americans believe that efforts to redraw U.S. House of Representatives districts to maximize partisan gains, like those under way in Texas and California, are bad for democracy, a new Reuters/Ipsos poll found. More than half of respondents -- 57% -- said they feared that American democracy itself was in danger, a view held by eight in 10 Democrats and four in 10 in President Donald Trump's Republican Party. The six-day survey of 4,446 U.S. adults, which closed on Monday, showed deep unease with the growing political divisions in Washington -- where Republicans control both chambers of Congress -- and state capitals. The poll found that 55% of respondents, including 71% of Democrats and 46% of Republicans, agreed that ongoing redistricting plans- such as those hatched by governors in Texas and California in a process known as gerrymandering - were "bad for democracy." At Trump's urging, Republican Texas Governor Greg Abbott has called a special session of the state legislature to redraw the state's congressional maps ahead of the 2026 midterm elections, aiming to help Republicans defend their 219-212 U.S. House majority. Incumbent presidents' parties typically lose House seats in midterms, which can block their legislative agendas and in Trump's first term led to two impeachment probes. California Democratic Governor Gavin Newsom, a White House hopeful in 2028, has threatened to try to redraw his state's district map in response, adding five Democratic seats to offset Republicans' expected Texas gains. The practice is not new but has gained attention because it is happening mid-decade rather than following a census. It has meant that the vast majority of House races are not competitive in general elections; in recent decades about two-thirds of them were won by more than 20 percentage points. As president, Trump has flouted democratic norms with steps including directing the U.S. Justice Department to pursue his political adversaries, pressuring the independent Federal Reserve to lower rates and seizing control of Washington, D.C.'s police force. In interviews, Texas Republicans who participated in the poll largely supported the state's potential redistricting, while Democrats described it as 'cheating' but supported the idea of Democratic states trying to respond in kind. The poll had a margin of error of about 2 percentage points when describing the views of all Americans and about 3 points for the views of Republicans and Democrats. 'Shady Business' Amanda Kelley, 51, an insurance fraud investigator in Dallas, was the rare Republican to criticize the Texas effort. "I don't like it when either side tries to do that. I think that's shady business," Kelley said. "The optics of it happening in the middle of the term when you would draw district lines, that leaves kind of a bad taste in my mouth." Paul Wehrmann, 57, an attorney in Dallas who described himself as an independent voter, also opposed it. "It's unfair, and it sets a bad precedent," said Wehrmann, who worries it could spiral into states redrawing maps every election cycle instead of every decade. Partisan gerrymandering "is bad all around, but I think that it is fair for Democrats to try to counterbalance what Republicans are doing. "They need to stop bringing a knife to a gunfight.' Americans of both parties have long disliked elected leaders of the rival party, but the Reuters/Ipsos poll found that they also distrust regular people who align with the opposing party. Some 55% of Democrats agreed with a statement that "people who are Republican are NOT to be trusted," while 32% disagreed. Republicans were split, with 43% agreeing that Democrats were untrustworthy and 44% saying they disagreed. The poll also showed politics weighing more on people's everyday lives than in past years, particularly among Democrats. Some 27% of Democrats said last year's presidential election has negatively affected their friendships. A Reuters/Ipsos poll in April 2017, early in Trump's first term, showed a smaller share of Democrats - 18% - reported fraying friendships because of the election. Only 10% of Republicans said this month that politics weighed on their friendships, largely unchanged from 2017. Jeffrey Larson, a 64-year-old toxicologist and Republican voter in Seabrook, Texas, said he and his wife, a Democrat, agreed not to discuss politics. 'I might not agree with what the Democrats are doing, but I don't think that they're trying to specifically destroy my life or destroy America,' Larson said. Close to half of Democrats - or 46% - said their party had lost its way, compared to 19% of Republicans who said the same of their party. Sandy Ogden, 71, a tech executive from Sunnyvale, California and self-described Democrat, said she faulted her party's leaders. 'I think the Democratic Party members are united in what we believe, but the leaders are ineffective in mounting an opposition that works,' Ogden said. Analysts said that ordinary Democrats' greater mistrust of Republicans and friction with friends suggests a reluctance among Democrats to engage with Republicans that could harm the party's chances at regaining political standing. 'Democracy involves a willingness to allow people with differing views to express those views,' said Whit Ayres, a veteran Republican pollster. Michael Ceraso, a longtime Democratic operative, found the poll results frustrating. "The majority of Democrats believe our democracy is failing and nearly half of them don't want to talk to the opposition party," Ceraso said. "We have to be better." (Reporting by Jason Lange, Nolan D. McCaskill and James Oliphant; Editing by Scott Malone and Cynthia Osterman)

US applications for jobless benefits rise last week, but layoffs remain historically low
US applications for jobless benefits rise last week, but layoffs remain historically low

The Hill

time36 minutes ago

  • The Hill

US applications for jobless benefits rise last week, but layoffs remain historically low

WASHINGTON (AP) — More Americans filed for unemployment benefits last week, but U.S. layoffs remain in the same historically healthy range of the past few years. Applications for unemployment benefits for the week ending Aug. 16 rose by 11,000 to 235,000, the Labor Department reported Thursday. That's slightly more than the 229,000 new applications that economists had forecast. Weekly applications for jobless benefits are seen as a proxy for layoffs and have mostly settled in a historically healthy range between 200,000 and 250,000 since the U.S. began to emerge from the COVID-19 pandemic more than three years ago. While layoffs remain low by historical comparisons, there has been noticeable deterioration in the labor market this year and mounting evidence that people are having difficulty finding jobs. U.S. employers added just 73,000 jobs in July, well short of the 115,000 analysts forecast. Worse, revisions to the May and June figures shaved 258,000 jobs off previous estimates and the unemployment rate ticked up to 4.2% from 4.1%. That report sent financial markets spiraling, spurring President Donald Trump to fire Erika McEntarfer, the head of Bureau of Labor Statistics, which tallies the monthly employment numbers. The BLS does not contribute to the weekly unemployment benefits report except to calculate the annual seasonal adjustments. The BLS reported earlier this week that the unemployment rate in Washington, D.C. eclipsed 6% in July, the third straight month that it was the highest in the U.S. The rising D.C. jobless rate is a reflection of the mass layoffs of federal workers by Trump's Department of Government Efficiency earlier this year. An overall decline in international tourism — a main driver of D.C.'s income — is also expected to have an impact on the climbing unemployment rate in the District. Neighboring states of Maryland and Virginia, where many federal employees reside, also saw an uptick in unemployment rates in July. Since the beginning of Trump's second term, federal workers across government agencies have been either laid off or asked to voluntarily resign, spurring lawsuits from labor unions and advocacy groups. Another recent report on the U.S. labor market showed that employers posted 7.4 million job vacancies in June, down from 7.7 million in May. The number of people quitting their jobs — a sign of confidence in finding a better job — fell in June to the lowest level since December. Some major companies have announced job cuts this year, including Procter & Gamble, Dow, CNN, Starbucks, Southwest Airlines, Microsoft, Google and Facebook parent company Meta. Intel and The Walt Disney Co. also recently announced staff reductions. Many economists contend that Trump's erratic rollout of tariffs against U.S. trading partners has created uncertainty for employers, who have grown reluctant to expand their payrolls. The Labor Department's report Thursday showed that the four-week average of claims, which softens some of the week-to-week swings, rose by 4,500 to 226,500. The total number of Americans collecting unemployment benefits for the previous week of Aug. 9 jumped by 30,000 to 1.97 million, the most since November 6, 2021.

DOWNLOAD THE APP

Get Started Now: Download the App

Ready to dive into a world of global content with local flavor? Download Daily8 app today from your preferred app store and start exploring.
app-storeplay-store