
Asian shares trade higher after Wall Street climbs moderately as Fed holds rates steady
Asian shares rose moderately Thursday after a lackluster finish on Wall Street, with most shares ticking higher after the Federal Reserve left its main interest rate unchanged, as was widely expected.
Japan's benchmark Nikkei 225 edged up 0.2% in morning trading to 36,863.15. Australia's S&P/ASX 200 added 0.2% to 8,190.40. South Korea's Kospi rose 0.3% to 2,581.62. Hong Kong's Hang Seng surged 0.8% to 22,864.74, while the Shanghai Composite gained 0.8% to 3,342.66.
Investors continue to watch with trepidation President Donald Trump 's comments about the trade imbalance, as well as the reactions from various nations to appease the U.S. administration and the overall confusion over the long-term economic impact.
Geo-political tensions also weighed on market sentiments, centered around the standoff between India and Pakistan. Pakistan has said it will avenge those killed by India's missile strikes, which New Delhi called retaliation for last month's massacre of Indian tourists in India-controlled Kashmir. Pakistan called the strikes an act of war and claimed it downed several Indian fighter jets.
The missiles killed 31 people, including women and children, in Pakistan-administered Kashmir and the country's Punjab province, Pakistan's military said. The strikes targeted at least nine sites 'where terrorist attacks against India have been planned,' India's Defense Ministry said. Two mosques were hit.
On Wall Street, the S&P 500 gained 0.4%, coming off a two-day losing streak that had snapped its nine-day winning run. The Dow Jones Industrial Average added 284 points, or 0.7%, and the Nasdaq composite rose 0.3%.
Indexes swiveled repeatedly through the day, and the Dow briefly climbed as many as 400 points on hopes that the United States and China may be making the first moves toward a trade deal that could protect the global economy. The world's two largest economies have been placing ever-increasing tariffs on products coming from each other in an escalating trade war, and the fear is that they could cause a recession unless they allow trade to move more freely.
The announcement for high-level talks between U.S. and Chinese officials this weekend in Switzerland helped raise optimism, but some of that washed away after Trump said he would not reduce his 145% tariffs on Chinese goods as a condition for negotiations. China has made the de-escalation of the tariffs a requirement for trade negotiations, which the meetings are supposed to help establish.
Such on-and-off uncertainty surrounding tariffs has helped create sharp swings within the U.S. economy, including a rush of imports in the hopes of beating tariffs. Underneath those swings, as well as surveys showing U.S. households are growing much more pessimistic about the future, the Fed said it continues to see the economy running 'at a solid pace' at the moment.
Fed Chair Jerome Powell said that gives the central bank time to wait before making any potential moves on interest rates, even if Trump has been lobbying for quicker cuts to juice the economy.
'There's so much that we don't know,' Powell said. So like the rest of Wall Street and the world, the Fed is waiting to see what will actually end up happening in Trump's trade war and whether his tariffs, which were much stiffer than expected, will hit as proposed.
That's particularly the case after the trade war seems to be entering 'a new phase,' Powell said, where the U.S. is conducting more talks on trade with other countries. The Fed also said it appreciates that risks to the economy are rising because of tariffs, which could both weaken the job market and push inflation higher.
'If the large increases in tariffs that have been announced are sustained, they are likely to generate a rise in inflation, a slowdown in economic growth and an increase in unemployment,' Powell said.
That could ultimately put the Fed in a worst-case scenario called 'stagflation,' where the economy is stagnating while inflation remains high.
In the meantime, big U.S. companies continue to produce fatter profits for the start of 2025 than analysts expected. The Walt Disney Co. jumped 10.8% after easily beating analysts' profit targets, raising its profit forecast and adding more than a million streaming subscribers.
All told, the S&P 500 rose 24.37 points to 5,631.28. The Dow Jones Industrial Average added 284.97 points to 41,113.97, and the Nasdaq composite gained 48.50 to 17,738.16.
In the bond market, Treasury yields fell following the Fed's announcement. The yield on the 10-year Treasury eased to 4.27% from 4.30% late Tuesday.
In energy trading, benchmark U.S. crude gained 33 cents to $58.40 a barrel. Brent crude, the international standard, added 28 cents to $61.40 a barrel.
In currency trading, the U.S. dollar edged down to 143.64 Japanese yen from 143.76 yen. The euro cost $1.1330, up from $1.1317.
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Daily Mail
36 minutes ago
- Daily Mail
Musk's attack on Trump sparks fears that 'Dark MAGA conspiracy' is coming true
A chilling conspiracy theory claims to know the reason behind Elon Musk 's attacks on President Donald Trump, saying it was his plan all along. Since the 2024 presidential campaign, Musk has been seen wearing and promoting the 'Dark MAGA' cap, a black-colored version of Trump's famously red Make America Great Again apparel. However, believers of the 'Dark MAGA conspiracy' claim this was a signal of Musk's real intentions for joining the campaign despite not having any concrete evidence of a plot existing. The conspiracy claims that a secret group of tech elites is plotting to undermine Trump and turn the US into a 'giant company' run by a new CEO that they would hand-pick. This theory started to gain more attention on social media after JD Vance was chosen as the vice presidential candidate, despite reports that Trump was leaning towards other choices, including Fox News host Maria Bartiromo. Now, as Musk has fired off shocking claims about Trump, including that the president is deeply connected to Jeffrey Epstein and should be replaced by Vice President Vance, the Dark MAGA conspiracy appears to be coming true in real time. Among the tech bosses allegedly part of this plot are Musk and Peter Thiel, the founders of PayPal. Conspiracy theorists believe that the group's ultimate goal is to dismantle American democracy and transform the country into a 'corporate monarchy' run by tech billionaires. Both Musk and Thiel wanted Vance chosen as Trump's running mate last year, according to The Daily Beast. Moreover, their multi-million-dollar campaign war chest for Trump was allegedly tied to the president picking the Ohio senator. According to the Dark MAGA conspiracy, however, the so-called 'PayPal Mafia' and Silicon Valley billionaires have been secretly grooming Vance to eventually replace Trump. Despite the claims Vance is a corporate plant, the vice president came to Trump's defense on Friday morning as he slammed 'corporate media lies' about the president. 'There are many lies the corporate media tells about President Trump. One of the most glaring is that he's impulsive or short-tempered,' he posted on X. 'Anyone who has seen him operate under pressure knows that's ridiculous.' Vance added in a follow up post that 'it's (maybe) the single biggest disconnect between fake media perception and reality.' Also a part of the Dark MAGA (also called the Dark Enlightenment) conspiracy is Curtis Yarvin, a former computer coder and self-proclaimed 'Dark Elf' philosopher. Writing under the pseudonym Mencius Moldbug in a 2008 blog, Yarvin advocated for a dictator-led monarchy to replace democracy in the US. Yarvin's ideas, once fringe, have allegedly gained a following among tech giants like Musk, Thiel, and billionaire software engineer Marc Andreessen. Yarvin compared democracy to 'outdated software' and called for the creation of a tech-driven government where the federal workforce was significantly slashed, elections became obsolete, and billionaires made all decisions for the country. The parallels between Musk's work with the new Department of Government Efficiency (DOGE) and the Dark MAGA conspiracy appear eerily similar. Under Musk's leadership, DOGE has been credited with slashing over 250,000 government jobs since the start of the Trump Administration on January 20. That same day, Dark MAGA conspiracy theorists took note of the eye-opening sight of several tech billionaires in attendance at President Trump's second inauguration. The guests included Musk, Amazon founder Jeff Bezos, Meta CEO Mark Zuckerberg, Apple CEO Tim Cook, and OpenAI CEO Sam Altman. The alleged plot has only gained more attention this week, as Musk's sudden falling out with President Trump reached a new level of animosity. The clash began over Musk's opposition to Trump's 'big, beautiful bill,' which will reportedly add trillions to the national deficit and wipe out the savings from DOGE. The fight quickly devolved into a string of personal insults between the two men, prompting the president to consider terminating all of Musk's multi-billion-dollar government contracts for SpaceX and Tesla. 'The easiest way to save money in our Budget, Billions and Billions of Dollars, is to terminate Elon's Governmental Subsidies and Contracts,' Trump said on Truth Social. Musk fired back right away, saying that SpaceX would begin 'decommissioning' its Dragon spacecraft immediately in response to the threat. The spacecraft is vital for ferrying NASA astronauts to and from the International Space Station. Steve Bannon, a former senior adviser to Trump during his first administration and a fierce critic of Elon Musk, quickly weighed in during his 'War Room Live' broadcast on Thursday. He urged the president to seize SpaceX from the billionaire entrepreneur and invoke the Defense Production Act - a national security measure dating back to the Korean War era - to seize control of the company. has reached out to Musk and SpaceX for comment on the status of the Dragon program. In this grim conspiracy, Trump is painted as an unwitting 'messenger of chaos,' with Musk acting as the true director of a tech-driven dystopian society. 'Some of Washington's biggest institutions have been briefed about Dark Enlightenment. They are taking it seriously,' The Daily Beast claimed on Friday. Ironically, Democrats have continued to claim that President Trump is a threat to democracy because of his policies on immigration and government spending. However, the Dark MAGA conspiracy alleges that the real threat comes from those seeking to unseat the 47th president and replace him with a tech-backed CEO. On Friday, Musk continued his assault on the president, re-sharing a stunning clip showing Trump partying with Jeffrey Epstein. The clip was from 1992, showing the president and notorious pedophile surrounded by women and dancing at a club. The footage was posted by X user Natalie Danelishen, before Musk re-shared it with an inquisitive faced emoji.


The Guardian
39 minutes ago
- The Guardian
The Guardian view on the Trump-Musk feud: we can't rely on outsized egos to end oligopoly
It would have taken a heart of stone to watch the death of the Trump-Musk bromance without laughing. Democrats passed the popcorn on Thursday night as the alliance between the world's most powerful man and the world's richest imploded via posts on their respective social media platforms. Less than a week ago they attempted a conscious uncoupling in the Oval Office. Then Elon Musk's attacks on Donald Trump's 'big, beautiful' tax and spending plan escalated to full-scale denunciation of a 'disgusting abomination' – objecting to its effect on the deficit, not the fact it snatches essential support from the poor and hands $1.1tn in tax cuts to the rich. The president said that Mr Musk had 'gone crazy' and was angry that electric vehicle subsidies were being removed, claimed he had fired him, threatened to terminate his government contracts, and mocked the billionaire's recent black eye. Steve Bannon chipped in, suggesting that Mr Musk should be deported. Mr Musk said Mr Trump should be impeached and alleged the government had not released files on the late paedophile financier Jeffrey Epstein because the president was in them. He threatened to immediately start decommissioning the Dragon spacecraft – now key to Nasa's programme – and suggested it was time for a new political party. The ultimate insult: 'Without me, Trump would have lost the election,' he wrote. Mr Musk later appeared minded to limit the damage, backing away from the spacecraft threat – not surprising, perhaps, when he had just watched $152bn wiped off Tesla's value. Each man knows that the other could hurt him, via government fiat or political war chest. Yet both are so unpredictable that the row could still reignite. Two narcissists used to imposing their will were never likely to coexist happily for long, despite the advantages of doing so: this was less a marriage of convenience than of naked self-interest. Mr Trump loathes sharing the limelight; the Tesla boss frequently grabbed it. The president is surely as resentful of as he is dazzled by Mr Musk's spectacular wealth. He was angered to discover that Mr Musk had arranged private briefings on the Pentagon's plans for any potential war with China – not only a blatant conflict of interest, but perhaps more upsettingly, a sign of his growing power. Mr Musk's behaviour has also appeared increasingly erratic. A recent New York Times report alleged he took large amounts of drugs including ketamine while advising Mr Trump prior to the election. Mr Musk has described the story as 'bs'. His departure from the president's orbit is good news. Mr Musk implausibly claimed he would save $2tn annually – approaching a third of the federal budget – by taking a chainsaw to bureaucracy. Wild decisions by the so-called department of government efficiency are mired in the courts. But he has nonetheless caused real damage which will not easily be remedied, gutting agencies and departments which took decades to build. People are dying because of his demolition of USAID. Yet while the bond between the peak of power and the peak of wealth has been severed, politics remains in thrall to money. Mr Trump's approach is particularly noxious, turning wealth directly into political favours and power, and power into further wealth. This is the new oligopoly. He oversees a cabinet of billionaires, and has directed his real estate tycoon friend Steve Witkoff, a man with no diplomatic experience, to bring peace in the Middle East and Ukraine. But though megadonors are heavily skewed towards the Republicans, Democrats too depend on billionaires. Mr Musk is a symptom of the underlying malaise. Democracy requires better safeguards against the unhealthy marriage of wealth and power than the rampant egos of those who command them.


The Guardian
an hour ago
- The Guardian
Musk and Trump are enemies made for each other – united in their ability to trash their own brands
The scriptwriters of Trump: the Soap Opera are slipping. The latest plot development – the epic falling-out between the title character and his best buddy, Elon Musk – was so predictable, and indeed predicted, that it counts as the opposite of a twist. Still, surprise can be overrated. Watching the two men – one the richest in the world, the other the most powerful – turn on each other in a series of ever-more venomous posts on their respective social media platforms has been entertainment of the highest order. X v Truth: it could be a Marvel blockbuster. But this is more than mere popcorn fodder. Even if they eventually patch things up, the rift between the president and Musk has exposed a divide inside the contemporary right, in the US and beyond – and a fatal flaw of the Trump project. Naturally, much of it is personal. That's why so many declared from the start that this was a star-cross'd bromance, whose destiny was only ever heartbreak. Even as Musk was declaring, back in February, that 'I love @realDonaldTrump as much as a straight man can love another man,' wiser heads knew it was doomed. The egos were too large, the narcissism too strong, for their love to survive. In the Trump universe, as in the Musk galaxy, there is room for only one sun. In their case, the personal combines with business. On this reading, Musk's disenchantment began in his pocket, his opposition to Trump's 'big, beautiful bill', or 'BBB', currently before Congress, fuelled chiefly by the legislation's axing of a $7,500 tax credit on the purchase of electric vehicles. With Tesla sales plunging, Musk needed that incentive to lure potential Tesla customers and was furious with Trump for scrapping it. That's certainly the story Trump is telling. 'I took away his EV Mandate that forced everyone to buy Electric Cars that nobody else wanted … and he just went CRAZY!' Trump posted. The suggestion that Musk's driving motive was profit seems to have particularly antagonised the billionaire, prompting him to call for his former paramour to be impeached and to claim that Trump is named in the Jeffrey Epstein files, in effect implicating the president in a paedophile ring. Musk wants to present his objection not as self-serving but as ideological, casting himself as the fiscal conservative appalled by Trump's 'disgusting abomination' of a bill because it will increase the already gargantuan US deficit by trillions of dollars. Who's right? It seems a stretch to argue that Trump's hostility to electric cars was the problem: as Trump himself pointed out, Musk knew about that when he jumped on the Maga train last year. As for ballooning the deficit, you can see why that would irritate Musk. Adding trillions in red ink makes a mockery of the 'cost-cutting' drive he headed up with his so-called department of government efficiency. The billionaire was already smarting from the failure of Doge to cut anything like the $2tn in spending he promised would be easy. All he succeeded in doing by, for instance, feeding the US agency for international development, or USAID, into 'the wood chipper' was to take the lives of 300,000 people, most of them children, who had depended on that agency and its grants, according to a Boston University study. Even if you are minded, charitably, to accept Musk's own estimate, he only shrank the federal budget by about $150bn. To watch as that effort was cancelled out by a $600bn tax cut to people earning more than $1m a year would be a humiliation indeed. Whatever its true cause, the Trump-Musk spat has illuminated a fault line in the right – and not only in the US. Battered and quieted by the Trump phenomenon, there still remain a few old-school conservatives with a vestigial presence in the Senate, for whom fiscal rectitude remains an article of faith. While Democrats oppose the 'BBB' because its cuts to Medicaid will deprive more than 10 million Americans of basic health cover, these traditional Republicans are queasy about the Liz Truss-style risks of a massive unfunded tax giveaway. Overnight, Musk has become their champion. Ranged against them are the forces of nationalist conservatism, embodied by former Trump strategist and ex-convict Steve Bannon. They don't have a libertarian yearning for a minimal state; on the contrary, they quite like muscular displays of state power. Witness Trump's insistence on a Pyongyang-style military parade to celebrate his birthday, and note Bannon's response to Musk's impudence in challenging the ruler – he called for Musk's businesses, Starlink and SpaceX, to be nationalised. Indeed, nationalist conservatism might not be quite the right term for what Bannon offers: nationalist socialism might be more apt, though something close to that has already been taken. There have been other manifestations of this divide. Musk opposed Trump's tariffs; Bannon is for them. Musk wanted to see the US remain open to high-skilled, tech-savvy immigrants; Bannon wants to shut the door on them. These, then, are the two camps. (You can see similar faultlines on the British right, dividing Thatcherite Conservatives from Reform UK.) For a while, the anti-woke loathing of DEI policies was strong enough to keep the opposing blocs – free traders and protectionists; deficit hawks and big spenders – together. But that glue, as Trump said of Musk, is 'wearing thin'. That has some serious implications for US politics and Trump's presidency. It is conceivable that Trump won't have the numbers to pass this bill, his central legislative goal, in its current form: the Republican majority in the House is wafer-thin, and one more defecting Republican could sink the proposal in the Senate. Musk has given would-be dissenters cover. The gazillionaire had promised to spend big to help Republicans in the November 2026 midterm elections. Much can happen between now and then, but Trump may now need to look elsewhere for a patron. Who knows, Musk might even follow through on his threat to fund the president's Democratic opponents. Even if he does not go that far, he controls a prime platform of the right: X could soon become hostile territory for Trump. The point is, Musk is not your usual Trump antagonist. He has as loud a megaphone, and more money, than the president. It all adds up to a sad tale of two men who once had so much in common – perhaps one thing above all. Each has been lucky enough to find themselves in charge of a brand that once enjoyed global admiration and clout – and each man has systematically set about trashing that brand in the eyes of the world. Musk has done it more than once. He bought what had become an admittedly imperfect meeting place of some of the planet's most influential people, Twitter, and turned it into a sewer of bigotry and lies, X. He built a company, Tesla, whose most obvious customers were high earners concerned about the planet and repelled them by association with a nationalist authoritarian who wants to 'drill, baby, drill'. Trump, meanwhile, has taken the US, once a magnet for talent from across the globe, and done his best to dismantle all that made it attractive: its stability, its protection of free speech, the independence of its institutions, the quality of its science and universities. This week's moves – the travel ban, the suspicion of overseas students, the war on Harvard – to say nothing of the ongoing hostility to democratic allies and coddling of foreign dictators, are just the latest instances of Trump doing to the US brand what Musk has done to Twitter and Tesla. No wonder Trump and Musk have broken up: they were always far too alike. Jonathan Freedland is a Guardian columnist