
Saudi MSMEs receive SAR 351.7B credit facilities in 2024
Credit facilities extended to micro, small, and medium enterprises (MSMEs) rose by 28% year-on-year (YoY) to SAR 351.7 billion in 2024, data from the Saudi Central Bank (SAMA) showed.
Medium-sized enterprises topped the total amount of credit facilities with approximately SAR 187.2 billion, small enterprises with about SAR 122.2 billion, and micro enterprises with SAR 42.3 billion.
In Saudi Arabia, medium-sized enterprises are classified as those with annual revenues between SAR 40 and SAR 200 million, or employing 50 to 249 on rolls. Small enterprises are those generating annual revenues between SAR 3 and SAR 40 million (employing between 6 and 49 people). Micro enterprises have annual revenues of less than SAR 3 million (fewer than five employees).
The following table shows developments in credit facilities provided to MSMEs by banks and financing companies:
Credit Facilities to MSMEs Since 2018 (SAR bln)
Period
Value (SAR bln)
Change
2018
108.52
--
2019
117.35
+8%
2020
182.24
+55%
2021
203.23
+12%
2022
229.03
+13%
2023
275.58
+20%
2024
351.70
+28%
The financing offered by the banking sector reached SAR 333.5 billion, representing 95% of the total facilities. Meanwhile, the financing institutions offered SAR 18.2 billion, or 5% of the total.
The table below indicates details of credit facilities provided to MSMEs by sector:
Credit Facilities by Sector (SAR bln)
Total
Financing Institutions
Banking Sector
Period
95.68
7.83
87.84
Q1 2018
101.26
7.66
93.60
Q2 2018
106.68
7.68
99.00
Q3 2018
108.52
7.76
100.76
Q4 2018
113.17
8.15
105.02
Q1 2019
113.03
7.87
105.16
Q2 2019
115.61
8.75
106.86
Q3 2019
117.35
9.38
107.97
Q4 2019
134.84
9.68
125.16
Q1 2020
158.04
10.64
147.40
Q2 2020
175.74
10.75
164.99
Q3 2020
182.24
11.89
170.35
Q4 2020
188.43
12.97
175.46
Q1 2021
198.22
13.46
184.76
Q2 2021
200.37
14.16
186.22
Q3 2021
203.23
14.64
188.59
Q4 2021
218.68
15.27
203.41
Q1 2022
221.00
15.39
205.61
Q2 2022
228.03
15.47
212.57
Q3 2022
229.30
16.08
213.23
Q4 2022
252.23
17.28
234.95
Q1 2023
262.66
17.31
245.34
Q2 2023
268.57
16.93
251.64
Q3 2023
275.58
17.28
258.30
Q4 2023
293.43
17.70
275.73
Q1 2024
3 07.40
17.61
289.80
Q2 2024
329.23
17.46
311.77
Q3 2024
351.70
18.20
333.50
Q4 2024
Medium enterprises accounted for SAR 179.9 billion, or 54% of total banking facilities, while small enterprises held around SAR 114 billion, as shown below:
Credit Facilities by Banks (SAR bln)
Total
Medium
Small
Micro
Enterprise
87.84
61.62
22.01
4.22
Q1 2018
93.60
69.10
20.82
3.69
Q2 2018
99.00
73.22
21.80
3.97
Q3 2018
100.76
74.76
22.31
3.70
Q4 2018
105.02
79.17
22.98
2.87
Q1 2019
105.16
79.44
23.11
2.61
Q2 2019
106.86
80.84
22.97
3.05
Q3 2019
107.97
81.44
23.01
3.53
Q4 2019
125.16
93.92
27.47
3.78
Q1 2020
147.40
110.80
31.28
5.33
Q2 2020
164.99
121.54
37.26
6.20
Q3 2020
170.35
123.26
39.92
7.18
Q4 2020
175.46
127.45
39.67
8.34
Q1 2021
184.76
132.11
44.18
8.47
Q2 2021
186.22
129.99
45.08
11.14
Q3 2021
188.59
128.64
50.59
9.37
Q4 2021
203.41
135.54
54.04
13.83
Q1 2022
205.61
134.88
55.78
14.94
Q2 2022
212.57
136.64
61.55
14.37
Q3 2022
213.23
132.97
65.08
15.18
Q4 2022
234.95
145.09
70.25
19.62
Q1 2023
245.34
149.43
75.70
20.21
Q2 2023
251.64
152.42
77.87
21.35
Q3 2023
258.30
151.89
84.09
22.32
Q4 2023
275.73
153.74
95.19
26.80
Q1 2024
289.80
160.41
98.26
31.13
Q2 2024
311.77
174.12
104.15
33.50
Q3 2024
333.50
179.93
113.98
39.60
Q4 2024
Small enterprises received SAR 8.2 billion of the total facilities offered by financing institutions in 2024, while medium enterprises received around SAR 7.3 billion in the same period, as follows:
Credit Facilities by Financing Institutions (SAR bln)
Total
Medium
Small
Micro
Period
7.83
3.38
3.00
1.45
Q1 2018
7.66
3.38
2.91
1.37
Q2 2018
7.68
3.32
2.98
1.39
Q3 2018
7.76
3.34
3.21
1.21
Q4 2018
8.15
3.57
3.47
1.11
Q1 2019
7.87
3.20
3.60
1.07
Q2 2019
8.75
3.63
3.83
1.29
Q3 2019
9.38
3.88
3.81
1.69
Q4 2019
9.68
3.71
4.23
1.74
Q1 2020
10.64
3.85
4.76
2.03
Q2 2020
10.75
3.73
5.17
1.86
Q3 2020
11.89
4.19
5.18
2.51
Q4 2020
12.97
4.55
5.63
2.79
Q1 2021
13.46
4.66
6.10
2.70
Q2 2021
14.16
4.78
6.61
2.77
Q3 2021
14.64
4.93
6.77
2.94
Q4 2021
15.27
4.90
7.22
3.15
Q1 2022
15.39
4.97
7.26
3.17
Q2 2022
15.47
4.87
7.17
3.42
Q3 2022
16.08
5.34
7.54
3.20
Q4 2022
17.28
6.06
8.30
2.92
Q1 2023
17.31
6.19
8.18
2.95
Q2 2023
16.93
6.21
8.04
2.68
Q3 2023
17.28
6.52
8.19
2.58
Q4 2023
17.70
6.85
8.26
2.59
Q1 2024
1 7.61
6.90
8.14
2.57
Q2 2024
17.46
6.93
7.88
2.64
Q3 2024
1 8.20
7.28
8.20
2.72
Q4 2024
Hashtags

Try Our AI Features
Explore what Daily8 AI can do for you:
Comments
No comments yet...
Related Articles


Arab News
2 hours ago
- Arab News
Saudi Hajj minister, Mobily sign cooperation agreement to enhance digital experience
RIYADH: The Saudi Minister of Hajj and Umrah Tawfiq Al-Rabiah, and Mobily's CEO Nezar Banabeela have signed a cooperation agreement in Riyadh to enhance the digital experience for pilgrims and visitors to the Kingdom. Mobily is to assess digital infrastructure solutions to elevate service quality and enrich the overall digital experience of pilgrims and visitors, the Saudi Press Agency reported on Tuesday. The partnership reflects the ministry's commitment to engaging the private sector in delivering services that facilitate a smooth Hajj and Umrah experience.


Arab News
4 hours ago
- Arab News
What is the ‘New Middle East' ... the real one this time?
There is hardly a journalist or political analyst, or even an amateur posing as either, in the Arab world who has not, at some point in recent decades, written or spoken at length about the 'New Middle East.' And yet, the Middle East we see today is something altogether different from what we were told to expect, both in substance and in the circumstances surrounding it. Our region has become, much like our lives and our sociopolitical imaginaries, untethered from familiar coordinates. One could even say it is now open to all possibilities. To be clear, this is not a veiled swipe at our political elites, nor at the political consciousness of our peoples or their capacity to learn from past mistakes and, from there, to choose a better path forward. Not in the slightest. Today, we are in the same boat with the most politically sophisticated and institutionally entrenched societies on Earth. We are all grappling with similar complexities and facing threats that do not discriminate by region or political tradition. There is no longer any guarantee that words like 'democracy' or 'good governance,' even in countries with rooted democratic traditions, will mean much if they are voided. Thus, such concepts will not, on their own, save societies from the turmoil they now face or the turmoil we will face. Just yesterday, I heard a leading expert say that the widespread use of artificial intelligence in the basic, everyday infrastructures of human life is now only a few months away. That is on the technological front. On the political front, Portugal has just joined a growing list of European countries betting, through the ballot box, on the radical far right. In last month's snap election, the populist, quasi-fascist Chega party surged to second place, just behind the center-right Democratic Alliance and ahead of the formerly ruling Socialist Party. Chega's recent rise in Portugal will embolden the broader spread of neofascist populists across Western Europe: the likes of National Rally in France, Vox in Spain, the Brothers of Italy, Reform UK, the Freedom Party in the Netherlands and Alternative for Germany. But this is no longer merely a Western European problem. Far-right populism is now well entrenched in countries across Northern and Eastern Europe, most prominently Hungary. Of course, of all Western democracies, the US presents the bleakest example. A historical rupture with few parallels anywhere else is underway in Washington, and it threatens not only the two-party system that has long been the pillar of American representative politics, but also the very principle of the separation of powers. The same single popular and populist political movement has taken control of all three branches of government: executive, legislative and judicial. To this, we can add the unofficial 'fourth branch,' the media. While it was once largely free of partisanship, the media has now become a central weapon in the ruling movement's arsenal thanks to the rise of new media: online platforms, AI and the oligarch-owned newspapers and television networks, not to mention the suspension of public funding for state media. We may be faced with even graver challenges than others amid Washington's shifting definitions of its allies and enemies. Eyad Abu Shakra There is no doubt that the institutions owned by figures like Rupert Murdoch (Fox News), Elon Musk (X), Mark Zuckerberg (Meta) and Jeff Bezos (The Washington Post) are shaping what may become America's new (and perhaps enduring) political culture. It speaks volumes that nearly every one of the 30 members of President Donald Trump's administration were in Fox News' orbit. Meanwhile, the world apprehensively follows the sweeping shifts underway in the US landscape. Economic wars are no trivial matter, nor is the fact that the man in the White House has upended notions of who is a US ally or an enemy and who its partners or competitors are. However, in light of the rapid and ongoing developments, it has become increasingly difficult for any single country to directly influence the global economic players or military and political forces. As a result, everyone is watching, hoping, anticipating — quietly, of course — either searching for alternatives or trying to limit the damage. As for the Middle East and the Arab world, we may be faced with even graver challenges than others amid Washington's shifting definitions of its allies and enemies. The US is a global power with interests and priorities everywhere. Accordingly, there is little room for sentimentality. There are no permanent interests in a world whose rules are evolving and being redefined. In our region, Washington maintains a strong strategic relationship with Israel, which is widely regarded as the most influential foreign actor in the halls of American politics. Its lobby groups fund many key figures in Congress and exert a lot of political influence. Then there is Turkiye, a pivotal NATO member and a regional power with immense religious, ethnic and geographic clout, allowing it to shape US decisions. And last but not least, Iran also has a significant say in American policy circles. Like Turkiye, it is seen as a crucial link in the Middle Eastern chain. In every round, experience suggests, Washington's goal is to win over Iran, not destroy it. In this landscape of uncertainty and rapid change, one must ask: Are we, as Arabs, still capable of influencing the regional climate and shaping the priorities of major players?


Arab News
4 hours ago
- Arab News
The opportunity for a reimagination of GCC-Africa economic ties
The election last week of Dr. Sidi Ould Tah as the new president of the African Development Bank is more than a leadership succession at Africa's most important financial institution. It also marks a potential moment for geopolitical realignment, one that could finally realize deeper financial cooperation between Africa and Gulf Cooperation Council countries, as well as an opportunity for GCC states to take a leadership role and reinvent development finance. Tah, the former finance minister of Mauritania and, for the past decade, president of the now Riyadh-based Arab Bank for Economic Development in Africa, steps into this role with a unique and timely experience to leverage. At the Arab Bank for Economic Development in Africa, he oversaw the transformation of the bank from a modest Arab-funded institution into a strategic regional lender. During his tenure, it quadrupled its capital base and earned an AAA rating, placing it among the top tier of global development institutions. In 2023, it pledged $50 billion in financing to Africa during the Saudi-Arab-African Economic Conference — a signal of rising Saudi and GCC interest in African development. Tah's election — making him only the fourth leader from an Arab African country to hold the post in the African Development Bank's 61-year history and the first in 20 years — comes at a time when the continent needs a catalyst for fresh financing models, including development, philanthropy and impact investment. As traditional donor countries tighten aid budgets and with major shifts underway globally with development finance, African economies are looking east and south for capital, cooperation, investment and leadership. The prospect of closer GCC-African cooperation is not novel, but it has rarely been bolstered with sustained political will and institutional follow-through. Tah's appointment changes that equation. He brings with him credibility in African policy circles and long-standing ties to Gulf financial institutions, sovereign wealth funds and Arab development agencies. African economies are looking east and south for capital, cooperation, investment and leadership. Matthew Miller Under his leadership, the African Development Bank could serve as a bridge between the GCC countries' economic diversification and Africa's need for reliable, large-scale financing for infrastructure, energy and digital transformation. Tah has already proposed a continental guarantee agency, designed to reduce both political and commercial risks that often deter private investment on the continent. Such a mechanism, if backed by Gulf capital and implemented effectively, could unlock billions in infrastructure investment across Africa. At the Arab Bank for Economic Development in Africa, Tah also helped coordinate more than $835 million in co-financed projects with the African Development Bank. That experience is a strong foundation for what he is now poised to build: a long-envisioned Arab-Africa Financial Consortium. The goal will be a formal platform for institutions from both regions to collaborate, co-finance and de-risk development projects. Under Tah's leadership, this idea, long conceptual, could finally coalesce — especially since it is precisely what he was working toward at the Arab Bank for Economic Development in Africa over the past decade. The African Development Bank, with its pan-African mandate and strong credit rating, is uniquely positioned to coordinate projects involving emerging powers, including the BRICS nations and partners in the GCC. Saudi Arabia and Kuwait are both long-standing members of the African Development Bank and the African Development Fund, the latter being a critical source of concessional finance, administered by the African Development Bank, for the continent's poorest countries. The UAE is also a donor to the African Development Fund. South-South cooperation is critical. Earlier this year, the new US administration proposed cutting $555 million from its contribution to the African Development Fund. In his new capacity, Tah will be charged with raising capital from myriad sources beyond African member states, including a fresh appeal to the US and shareholders and donors including the BRICS, Saudi Arabia and the UAE, all in exchange for greater influence. GCC countries may find renewed incentives to deepen their engagement. Beyond capital, these nations bring project management capabilities, climate adaptation technologies and a strategic interest in economic diversification that aligns with Africa's own transformation goals. This could become the moment for GCC countries to expand both their soft power and impact across the continent. Tah's development priorities have consistently emphasized access to energy, climate resilience, youth employment and gender inclusion. These are not abstract policy goals — they are preconditions for the economic transformation of the continent. This could be the moment for GCC countries to expand both their soft power and impact across the continent. Matthew Miller A case in point is youth employment: almost 70 percent of sub-Saharan Africa's population is under the age of 30. That represents both a significant challenge and an opportunity. Without strategic investments in education, skills development and job creation, this demographic wave could overwhelm already-strained labor markets. But with the right policies, Africa could harness this youth bulge to drive innovation, entrepreneurship and inclusive growth. Tah's call for better land transport corridors and logistics infrastructure to support the African Continental Free Trade Area also reflects a strategic enabler for intracontinental growth and ambitious infrastructure projects. One example is the Egypt-Saudi Arabia causeway linking Africa and Asia that would certainly contribute to the realization of greater and more sustainable growth for Africa, as well as Saudi Arabia and the GCC. Africa's development financing challenges are vast and urgent, with a widening gap, and GCC-Africa relations have historically lacked institutional depth. Moreover, while South-South partnerships offer potential to close the gap, they are largely based around geopolitical calculations rather than the opportunity to create partnerships that are win-win. From a GCC perspective, this moment of transition for the African Development Bank presents a unique opportunity for its decision-makers to take a greater global leadership role and enhance their influence not only through development finance, but also through investment and economic transformation benefiting both donors and recipients alike.