Victorian Liberals' email fighting helps Jacinta Allan
That is, until the party's Victorian branch president and former MP Phil Davis lobbed an email to all members at 3pm on Monday. It complained of the 'internal disputation and arguments, which are so often reported in the media, creating the public perception of disunity'.
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The Advertiser
2 hours ago
- The Advertiser
Premier corruption probe 'unlikely' in another state
The highly publicised corruption probe into former NSW premier Gladys Berejiklian would likely not have been possible in another state. NSW Independent Commission Against Corruption boss John Hatzistergos made the claim on Monday at a parliamentary inquiry into the adequacy of its Victorian counterpart's legislative framework. Under Victoria's "limited" definition of corrupt conduct, Mr Hatzistergos said it was unlikely the Independent Broad-based Anti-corruption Commission would have investigated or made findings against Ms Berejiklian. The ICAC chief commissioner told the inquiry the conduct exposed by Operation Keppel was "quite serious". "You can read the report and form your own views as to whether or not it's appropriate for that sort of conduct to be allowed to go without appropriate intervention from your corruption commission," he said. Operation Keppel uncovered the secret "close personal relationship" between Ms Berejiklian and former Wagga Wagga MP Daryl Maguire in a bombshell public hearing in October 2020. Mr Maguire resigned from NSW parliament in 2018 after ICAC began investigating his improper use of his role as an MP to benefit a company in which he had a financial interest. ICAC extended the investigation to include the premier in October 2021, prompting her resignation, and later found she engaged in serious corrupt conduct and breached public trust. The NSW Court of Appeal rejected Ms Berejiklian's attempt to clear her name in July 2024. Mr Hatzistergos pointed out ICAC required a majority of its three commissioners, including himself as chief commissioner, to support a public hearing for one to proceed. A public hearing has never occurred after a 2-1 vote, the former NSW attorney-general said. "It's always been 3-0," Mr Hatzistergos told the Integrity and Oversight Committee. "That doesn't mean that we don't take reputations into account." Victoria's IBAC Act states an examination can only be held in public if there are "exceptional circumstances" or if it is in the public interest and won't cause "unreasonable damage" to a person's reputation, safety or wellbeing. Mr Hatzistergos said there was no threshold for exceptional circumstances for ICAC, with public interest the "principle" requirement. The commission must also focus on "serious and systemic" corruption. The IBAC Act's definition of "corrupt conduct" requires it to constitute a criminal offence. Former IBAC commissioner Robert Redlich told the inquiry the Victorian and NSW watchdogs, the Law Institute, Victorian Bar and independent think tanks spoke with "one voice" in favour of expanding the definition. "The words at the end of section 4 of the definition should be removed so all of that 'grey corruption' can be addressed," he said. In his submission, Mr Redlich said the current definition provided a "safe haven for politicians and public officers". "We have serious questions that continue to be raised about whether or not the public sector still continues to place, first and foremost, (providing) frank and fearless advice ... to their minister," he said. "The scope for soft corruption has increased because of the nature of executive government." Mr Redlich, whose five-year term leading the Victorian watchdog ended in December 2022, also wants the "exceptional circumstances" provision for public hearings dumped. The highly publicised corruption probe into former NSW premier Gladys Berejiklian would likely not have been possible in another state. NSW Independent Commission Against Corruption boss John Hatzistergos made the claim on Monday at a parliamentary inquiry into the adequacy of its Victorian counterpart's legislative framework. Under Victoria's "limited" definition of corrupt conduct, Mr Hatzistergos said it was unlikely the Independent Broad-based Anti-corruption Commission would have investigated or made findings against Ms Berejiklian. The ICAC chief commissioner told the inquiry the conduct exposed by Operation Keppel was "quite serious". "You can read the report and form your own views as to whether or not it's appropriate for that sort of conduct to be allowed to go without appropriate intervention from your corruption commission," he said. Operation Keppel uncovered the secret "close personal relationship" between Ms Berejiklian and former Wagga Wagga MP Daryl Maguire in a bombshell public hearing in October 2020. Mr Maguire resigned from NSW parliament in 2018 after ICAC began investigating his improper use of his role as an MP to benefit a company in which he had a financial interest. ICAC extended the investigation to include the premier in October 2021, prompting her resignation, and later found she engaged in serious corrupt conduct and breached public trust. The NSW Court of Appeal rejected Ms Berejiklian's attempt to clear her name in July 2024. Mr Hatzistergos pointed out ICAC required a majority of its three commissioners, including himself as chief commissioner, to support a public hearing for one to proceed. A public hearing has never occurred after a 2-1 vote, the former NSW attorney-general said. "It's always been 3-0," Mr Hatzistergos told the Integrity and Oversight Committee. "That doesn't mean that we don't take reputations into account." Victoria's IBAC Act states an examination can only be held in public if there are "exceptional circumstances" or if it is in the public interest and won't cause "unreasonable damage" to a person's reputation, safety or wellbeing. Mr Hatzistergos said there was no threshold for exceptional circumstances for ICAC, with public interest the "principle" requirement. The commission must also focus on "serious and systemic" corruption. The IBAC Act's definition of "corrupt conduct" requires it to constitute a criminal offence. Former IBAC commissioner Robert Redlich told the inquiry the Victorian and NSW watchdogs, the Law Institute, Victorian Bar and independent think tanks spoke with "one voice" in favour of expanding the definition. "The words at the end of section 4 of the definition should be removed so all of that 'grey corruption' can be addressed," he said. In his submission, Mr Redlich said the current definition provided a "safe haven for politicians and public officers". "We have serious questions that continue to be raised about whether or not the public sector still continues to place, first and foremost, (providing) frank and fearless advice ... to their minister," he said. "The scope for soft corruption has increased because of the nature of executive government." Mr Redlich, whose five-year term leading the Victorian watchdog ended in December 2022, also wants the "exceptional circumstances" provision for public hearings dumped. The highly publicised corruption probe into former NSW premier Gladys Berejiklian would likely not have been possible in another state. NSW Independent Commission Against Corruption boss John Hatzistergos made the claim on Monday at a parliamentary inquiry into the adequacy of its Victorian counterpart's legislative framework. Under Victoria's "limited" definition of corrupt conduct, Mr Hatzistergos said it was unlikely the Independent Broad-based Anti-corruption Commission would have investigated or made findings against Ms Berejiklian. The ICAC chief commissioner told the inquiry the conduct exposed by Operation Keppel was "quite serious". "You can read the report and form your own views as to whether or not it's appropriate for that sort of conduct to be allowed to go without appropriate intervention from your corruption commission," he said. Operation Keppel uncovered the secret "close personal relationship" between Ms Berejiklian and former Wagga Wagga MP Daryl Maguire in a bombshell public hearing in October 2020. Mr Maguire resigned from NSW parliament in 2018 after ICAC began investigating his improper use of his role as an MP to benefit a company in which he had a financial interest. ICAC extended the investigation to include the premier in October 2021, prompting her resignation, and later found she engaged in serious corrupt conduct and breached public trust. The NSW Court of Appeal rejected Ms Berejiklian's attempt to clear her name in July 2024. Mr Hatzistergos pointed out ICAC required a majority of its three commissioners, including himself as chief commissioner, to support a public hearing for one to proceed. A public hearing has never occurred after a 2-1 vote, the former NSW attorney-general said. "It's always been 3-0," Mr Hatzistergos told the Integrity and Oversight Committee. "That doesn't mean that we don't take reputations into account." Victoria's IBAC Act states an examination can only be held in public if there are "exceptional circumstances" or if it is in the public interest and won't cause "unreasonable damage" to a person's reputation, safety or wellbeing. Mr Hatzistergos said there was no threshold for exceptional circumstances for ICAC, with public interest the "principle" requirement. The commission must also focus on "serious and systemic" corruption. The IBAC Act's definition of "corrupt conduct" requires it to constitute a criminal offence. Former IBAC commissioner Robert Redlich told the inquiry the Victorian and NSW watchdogs, the Law Institute, Victorian Bar and independent think tanks spoke with "one voice" in favour of expanding the definition. "The words at the end of section 4 of the definition should be removed so all of that 'grey corruption' can be addressed," he said. In his submission, Mr Redlich said the current definition provided a "safe haven for politicians and public officers". "We have serious questions that continue to be raised about whether or not the public sector still continues to place, first and foremost, (providing) frank and fearless advice ... to their minister," he said. "The scope for soft corruption has increased because of the nature of executive government." Mr Redlich, whose five-year term leading the Victorian watchdog ended in December 2022, also wants the "exceptional circumstances" provision for public hearings dumped. The highly publicised corruption probe into former NSW premier Gladys Berejiklian would likely not have been possible in another state. NSW Independent Commission Against Corruption boss John Hatzistergos made the claim on Monday at a parliamentary inquiry into the adequacy of its Victorian counterpart's legislative framework. Under Victoria's "limited" definition of corrupt conduct, Mr Hatzistergos said it was unlikely the Independent Broad-based Anti-corruption Commission would have investigated or made findings against Ms Berejiklian. The ICAC chief commissioner told the inquiry the conduct exposed by Operation Keppel was "quite serious". "You can read the report and form your own views as to whether or not it's appropriate for that sort of conduct to be allowed to go without appropriate intervention from your corruption commission," he said. Operation Keppel uncovered the secret "close personal relationship" between Ms Berejiklian and former Wagga Wagga MP Daryl Maguire in a bombshell public hearing in October 2020. Mr Maguire resigned from NSW parliament in 2018 after ICAC began investigating his improper use of his role as an MP to benefit a company in which he had a financial interest. ICAC extended the investigation to include the premier in October 2021, prompting her resignation, and later found she engaged in serious corrupt conduct and breached public trust. The NSW Court of Appeal rejected Ms Berejiklian's attempt to clear her name in July 2024. Mr Hatzistergos pointed out ICAC required a majority of its three commissioners, including himself as chief commissioner, to support a public hearing for one to proceed. A public hearing has never occurred after a 2-1 vote, the former NSW attorney-general said. "It's always been 3-0," Mr Hatzistergos told the Integrity and Oversight Committee. "That doesn't mean that we don't take reputations into account." Victoria's IBAC Act states an examination can only be held in public if there are "exceptional circumstances" or if it is in the public interest and won't cause "unreasonable damage" to a person's reputation, safety or wellbeing. Mr Hatzistergos said there was no threshold for exceptional circumstances for ICAC, with public interest the "principle" requirement. The commission must also focus on "serious and systemic" corruption. The IBAC Act's definition of "corrupt conduct" requires it to constitute a criminal offence. Former IBAC commissioner Robert Redlich told the inquiry the Victorian and NSW watchdogs, the Law Institute, Victorian Bar and independent think tanks spoke with "one voice" in favour of expanding the definition. "The words at the end of section 4 of the definition should be removed so all of that 'grey corruption' can be addressed," he said. In his submission, Mr Redlich said the current definition provided a "safe haven for politicians and public officers". "We have serious questions that continue to be raised about whether or not the public sector still continues to place, first and foremost, (providing) frank and fearless advice ... to their minister," he said. "The scope for soft corruption has increased because of the nature of executive government." Mr Redlich, whose five-year term leading the Victorian watchdog ended in December 2022, also wants the "exceptional circumstances" provision for public hearings dumped.
The Advertiser
2 hours ago
- The Advertiser
'It's crunch time': productivity puzzle must be solved
It's "crunch time" for the Australian economy. Young Australians face the prospect of being the first generation to be worse off than their parents and Treasurer Jim Chalmers' economic roundtable is crucial to ensuring that doesn't happen. The generational bargain is in peril and policymakers need to act, Productivity Commission chair Danielle Wood says. Now in their 30s, millennials are struggling to enter the property market, "as policy choices have contributed to house prices growing much faster than incomes for the best part of three decades", Ms Wood told the National Press Club on Monday. That's largely because successive governments have failed to adopt a "growth mindset" and encourage productivity - reaping more from the effort put into work - she said. "Productivity growth is the only way to sustainably lift wages and opportunities over time." The commission has spelled out a long list of recommendations to kickstart anaemic productivity growth in five separate reports released before the roundtable, which begins in Canberra on Tuesday. Suggestions include reforming the corporate tax system and financial incentives for workplace training. If the roundtable fails to revive productivity growth, Australia's GDP could be six per cent lower than it might otherwise be, a loss of about $6000 per person, HSBC chief economist Paul Bloxham said. "The stakes are high. It's crunch time." Mr Bloxham identified tax reform, competition and regulation as the three key areas the roundtable ought to address. Growth in the regulatory burden was symptomatic of a policy culture failing to prioritise growth, Ms Wood said. Governments have felt a need to "do something" every time an issue emerged, ending up in a system that dampened growth. An example was the Victorian government's plan to legislate at least two days a week of work from home. Ms Wood said the market had naturally found a "sweet spot", as businesses that offer more flexibility find it easier to attract and retain workers, and businesses that want stricter rules around office attendance tend to have to pay a premium. "So I guess if I was to apply a growth mindset to this, I would think what's the problem that we're trying to solve here? It's not clear to me that there needs to be a role for government in that," she said. "Regulatory hairballs" are everywhere, she argued, from 31-step approvals and licensing surveys for would-be Queensland cafe owners to "evermore stringent requirements for energy efficiency in the construction code". The Albanese government has lobbed its fair share of hairballs down Australia's regulatory gullet, contends opposition productivity spokesman Andrew Bragg. In its first term, Labor introduced 5034 new regulations and 400 fresh laws, raising the cost of compliance by $4.8 billion, according to Office of Impact Analysis figures cited by Senator Bragg. "Australia is now one of the most heavily regulated countries in the world," he said. The treasurer rubbished the claims, arguing the coalition introduced more regulations in its last term before its 2022 election loss. "If the coalition had answers on productivity, they wouldn't have presided over the worst decade for productivity growth in the last 60 years," he said. Dr Chalmers acknowledged the government had been getting in its own way with regulation that was slowing down new housing or energy projects. Some regulation, such as tying government procurement to gender equality aims, was serving a useful purpose, he said. "Where regulation is unnecessary, where it's duplicated, where it's not serving a useful purpose, we should seek to wind it back, and that's what we intend to do." It's "crunch time" for the Australian economy. Young Australians face the prospect of being the first generation to be worse off than their parents and Treasurer Jim Chalmers' economic roundtable is crucial to ensuring that doesn't happen. The generational bargain is in peril and policymakers need to act, Productivity Commission chair Danielle Wood says. Now in their 30s, millennials are struggling to enter the property market, "as policy choices have contributed to house prices growing much faster than incomes for the best part of three decades", Ms Wood told the National Press Club on Monday. That's largely because successive governments have failed to adopt a "growth mindset" and encourage productivity - reaping more from the effort put into work - she said. "Productivity growth is the only way to sustainably lift wages and opportunities over time." The commission has spelled out a long list of recommendations to kickstart anaemic productivity growth in five separate reports released before the roundtable, which begins in Canberra on Tuesday. Suggestions include reforming the corporate tax system and financial incentives for workplace training. If the roundtable fails to revive productivity growth, Australia's GDP could be six per cent lower than it might otherwise be, a loss of about $6000 per person, HSBC chief economist Paul Bloxham said. "The stakes are high. It's crunch time." Mr Bloxham identified tax reform, competition and regulation as the three key areas the roundtable ought to address. Growth in the regulatory burden was symptomatic of a policy culture failing to prioritise growth, Ms Wood said. Governments have felt a need to "do something" every time an issue emerged, ending up in a system that dampened growth. An example was the Victorian government's plan to legislate at least two days a week of work from home. Ms Wood said the market had naturally found a "sweet spot", as businesses that offer more flexibility find it easier to attract and retain workers, and businesses that want stricter rules around office attendance tend to have to pay a premium. "So I guess if I was to apply a growth mindset to this, I would think what's the problem that we're trying to solve here? It's not clear to me that there needs to be a role for government in that," she said. "Regulatory hairballs" are everywhere, she argued, from 31-step approvals and licensing surveys for would-be Queensland cafe owners to "evermore stringent requirements for energy efficiency in the construction code". The Albanese government has lobbed its fair share of hairballs down Australia's regulatory gullet, contends opposition productivity spokesman Andrew Bragg. In its first term, Labor introduced 5034 new regulations and 400 fresh laws, raising the cost of compliance by $4.8 billion, according to Office of Impact Analysis figures cited by Senator Bragg. "Australia is now one of the most heavily regulated countries in the world," he said. The treasurer rubbished the claims, arguing the coalition introduced more regulations in its last term before its 2022 election loss. "If the coalition had answers on productivity, they wouldn't have presided over the worst decade for productivity growth in the last 60 years," he said. Dr Chalmers acknowledged the government had been getting in its own way with regulation that was slowing down new housing or energy projects. Some regulation, such as tying government procurement to gender equality aims, was serving a useful purpose, he said. "Where regulation is unnecessary, where it's duplicated, where it's not serving a useful purpose, we should seek to wind it back, and that's what we intend to do." It's "crunch time" for the Australian economy. Young Australians face the prospect of being the first generation to be worse off than their parents and Treasurer Jim Chalmers' economic roundtable is crucial to ensuring that doesn't happen. The generational bargain is in peril and policymakers need to act, Productivity Commission chair Danielle Wood says. Now in their 30s, millennials are struggling to enter the property market, "as policy choices have contributed to house prices growing much faster than incomes for the best part of three decades", Ms Wood told the National Press Club on Monday. That's largely because successive governments have failed to adopt a "growth mindset" and encourage productivity - reaping more from the effort put into work - she said. "Productivity growth is the only way to sustainably lift wages and opportunities over time." The commission has spelled out a long list of recommendations to kickstart anaemic productivity growth in five separate reports released before the roundtable, which begins in Canberra on Tuesday. Suggestions include reforming the corporate tax system and financial incentives for workplace training. If the roundtable fails to revive productivity growth, Australia's GDP could be six per cent lower than it might otherwise be, a loss of about $6000 per person, HSBC chief economist Paul Bloxham said. "The stakes are high. It's crunch time." Mr Bloxham identified tax reform, competition and regulation as the three key areas the roundtable ought to address. Growth in the regulatory burden was symptomatic of a policy culture failing to prioritise growth, Ms Wood said. Governments have felt a need to "do something" every time an issue emerged, ending up in a system that dampened growth. An example was the Victorian government's plan to legislate at least two days a week of work from home. Ms Wood said the market had naturally found a "sweet spot", as businesses that offer more flexibility find it easier to attract and retain workers, and businesses that want stricter rules around office attendance tend to have to pay a premium. "So I guess if I was to apply a growth mindset to this, I would think what's the problem that we're trying to solve here? It's not clear to me that there needs to be a role for government in that," she said. "Regulatory hairballs" are everywhere, she argued, from 31-step approvals and licensing surveys for would-be Queensland cafe owners to "evermore stringent requirements for energy efficiency in the construction code". The Albanese government has lobbed its fair share of hairballs down Australia's regulatory gullet, contends opposition productivity spokesman Andrew Bragg. In its first term, Labor introduced 5034 new regulations and 400 fresh laws, raising the cost of compliance by $4.8 billion, according to Office of Impact Analysis figures cited by Senator Bragg. "Australia is now one of the most heavily regulated countries in the world," he said. The treasurer rubbished the claims, arguing the coalition introduced more regulations in its last term before its 2022 election loss. "If the coalition had answers on productivity, they wouldn't have presided over the worst decade for productivity growth in the last 60 years," he said. Dr Chalmers acknowledged the government had been getting in its own way with regulation that was slowing down new housing or energy projects. Some regulation, such as tying government procurement to gender equality aims, was serving a useful purpose, he said. "Where regulation is unnecessary, where it's duplicated, where it's not serving a useful purpose, we should seek to wind it back, and that's what we intend to do." It's "crunch time" for the Australian economy. Young Australians face the prospect of being the first generation to be worse off than their parents and Treasurer Jim Chalmers' economic roundtable is crucial to ensuring that doesn't happen. The generational bargain is in peril and policymakers need to act, Productivity Commission chair Danielle Wood says. Now in their 30s, millennials are struggling to enter the property market, "as policy choices have contributed to house prices growing much faster than incomes for the best part of three decades", Ms Wood told the National Press Club on Monday. That's largely because successive governments have failed to adopt a "growth mindset" and encourage productivity - reaping more from the effort put into work - she said. "Productivity growth is the only way to sustainably lift wages and opportunities over time." The commission has spelled out a long list of recommendations to kickstart anaemic productivity growth in five separate reports released before the roundtable, which begins in Canberra on Tuesday. Suggestions include reforming the corporate tax system and financial incentives for workplace training. If the roundtable fails to revive productivity growth, Australia's GDP could be six per cent lower than it might otherwise be, a loss of about $6000 per person, HSBC chief economist Paul Bloxham said. "The stakes are high. It's crunch time." Mr Bloxham identified tax reform, competition and regulation as the three key areas the roundtable ought to address. Growth in the regulatory burden was symptomatic of a policy culture failing to prioritise growth, Ms Wood said. Governments have felt a need to "do something" every time an issue emerged, ending up in a system that dampened growth. An example was the Victorian government's plan to legislate at least two days a week of work from home. Ms Wood said the market had naturally found a "sweet spot", as businesses that offer more flexibility find it easier to attract and retain workers, and businesses that want stricter rules around office attendance tend to have to pay a premium. "So I guess if I was to apply a growth mindset to this, I would think what's the problem that we're trying to solve here? It's not clear to me that there needs to be a role for government in that," she said. "Regulatory hairballs" are everywhere, she argued, from 31-step approvals and licensing surveys for would-be Queensland cafe owners to "evermore stringent requirements for energy efficiency in the construction code". The Albanese government has lobbed its fair share of hairballs down Australia's regulatory gullet, contends opposition productivity spokesman Andrew Bragg. In its first term, Labor introduced 5034 new regulations and 400 fresh laws, raising the cost of compliance by $4.8 billion, according to Office of Impact Analysis figures cited by Senator Bragg. "Australia is now one of the most heavily regulated countries in the world," he said. The treasurer rubbished the claims, arguing the coalition introduced more regulations in its last term before its 2022 election loss. "If the coalition had answers on productivity, they wouldn't have presided over the worst decade for productivity growth in the last 60 years," he said. Dr Chalmers acknowledged the government had been getting in its own way with regulation that was slowing down new housing or energy projects. Some regulation, such as tying government procurement to gender equality aims, was serving a useful purpose, he said. "Where regulation is unnecessary, where it's duplicated, where it's not serving a useful purpose, we should seek to wind it back, and that's what we intend to do."
The Age
8 hours ago
- The Age
Fears emerge on Liberal religious right that cult inquiry unfairly targets Pentecostal churches
The committee said recruitment tactics included using social events to build rapport (like potluck dinners or youth groups); isolating recruits from 'negative' outsiders; promising secret or higher knowledge; asking recruits to commit in small ways, then escalating; using charismatic leaders; creating insider language and symbols; and targeting vulnerable people. Heath's employee said some examples misrepresented church activities as 'deceptive or sinister' while sports clubs and political parties were ignored. He claimed, in a 'church guidance note' attached to the email, that anonymous submissions 'fuelled by media-driven stereotypes and Facebook groups … could be used to justify new laws that potentially criminalise and censor pastors, leaders and churches and expose them to vexatious legal actions. 'Despite high levels of coercion and control displayed in unions, activist groups, political parties and sport, the Victorian government is targeting religion.' Heath said her office had been contacted by constituents concerned about the inquiry and that she had asked her employee to get in touch with key stakeholders. But she said she had no knowledge of this specific correspondence or the email's content, which was sent from the employee's private email but claimed to be on her behalf. She said her employee had sent the email in good faith, expressing his own opinions about the Geelong Revival Centre. Loading 'My staff member now acknowledges this was based on insufficient information and was a mistake. The allegations against this organisation are serious, and I expect more information will come to light during this inquiry.' Heath is from the Pentecostal church, City Builders, in Gippsland, where her parents are pastors. In 2022, the church rejected allegations it sought to engage improperly in politics or supported gay-conversion therapy. The employee's email ultimately reached devastated survivors who say they faced coercive practices within religious groups and who have found hope in the inquiry. Ryan Carey, from Geelong Revival Centre Survivors and Stop Religious Coercion Australia, said the committee had shown good faith by focusing on behaviours rather than any beliefs. He wants freedom of belief, association and religion. 'We also want it to be safe and free of abuse, exploitation, and harm,' he said. 'Healthy churches shouldn't require survivor groups upon exit. Ours does. 'Survivors are used to having people in power try to silence them and invalidate their stories. This is spit in the face of survivors, and frankly, I think they deserve an apology.' Renee Spencer, from Survivors of Coercive Cults and High-Control Groups, said she was not surprised by Heath's employee's apparent attempt to indirectly influence the inquiry but it was damaging nonetheless. 'Survivors who took the time to dredge up their deepest pain for this inquiry have already retraumatised themselves in the hope of meaningful change and harm prevention. Thankfully, for the most part, we have found people to be empathetic and measured,' Spencer said. Christian legal think tank Freedom for Faith shared concerns religious freedoms could be infringed, in a submission co-signed by Australian Christian Churches, the Baptist Union of Victoria, the Anglican Diocese of Melbourne, the Seventh Day Adventist Church of Australia and the Presbyterian Church of Victoria. They were encouraged by the committee's insistence it was not looking to judge faith, and acknowledged coercive control did exist in some religious contexts. But they worried the definition of cult could be expanded 'under anti-religious pressure … to include faiths that involve whole-of-life commitment, and faiths that teach unpopular beliefs (especially concerning sexuality, gender and marriage)'. The Australian Christian Lobby urged against introducing any new legislation, to avoid inadvertently stepping on the right to freedom of expression, religion and association, and agreed there was a risk of mainstream church practices being misinterpreted as 'cult-like'. Loading The bipartisan committee is chaired by Labor MP Ella George, who said Victorians could practise their faith freely without fear. 'There is no truth to any claim that the committee's inquiry is about sanctioning religious practices. The religious beliefs of Victorians are irrelevant to the inquiry's terms of reference,' George said. 'The emphasis is on how these groups operate, not what they believe.' Patrick McIvor left City Builders in 2016 and was the lead author of a submission to the inquiry called 'Beyond Belief', which was endorsed by Survivors of Coercive Cults and High-Control Groups, Stop Religious Control Australia and Victorian Cult Survivors Network. He said the inquiry appeared to have a genuine interest in getting things right. 'I understand the nerves of some groups, particularly some religious groups. And we agree, it shouldn't be about religious groups. Any solution should absolutely uphold freedom of belief, freedom of association, and that's why we've kept the focus [of our submission] squarely on harmful behaviours and not vilifying people.'
