logo
Why young Japanese are ditching passports and overseas travel

Why young Japanese are ditching passports and overseas travel

Just 17.5 per cent of Japanese currently hold a passport, according to a recent study, a figure that industry experts say reflects the growing preference for domestic travel amid a weak yen, rising flight costs and heightened concerns about safety in many parts of the world.
The figure, drawn from research conducted through the Newt travel app, places
Japan well behind several developed economies in terms of international travel readiness. In comparison, about 40 per cent of South Koreans, 50 per cent of US citizens and 60 per cent of Taiwanese hold valid passports.
Those findings align with research by the outbound promotion division of the Japan Association of Travel Agents (JATA), according to executive director Hiroshi Tanimura.
'The research we have done especially indicates that young people are not willing to travel overseas and prefer to travel within Japan,' he told This Week in Asia.
'The weak yen is one big reason why overseas travel is 70 per cent of what it was before the pandemic.'
People wait to check in at the departure hall of Haneda Airport in Tokyo. A recent study has placed Japan well behind several developed economies in terms of international travel readiness. Photo: AFP
Even more worrying is that business travel has picked up a lot of the slack, recovering to more than 80 per cent of pre-pandemic figures, leaving the leisure market at just 53 per cent, according to Tanimura.
Orange background

Try Our AI Features

Explore what Daily8 AI can do for you:

Comments

No comments yet...

Related Articles

Support for Taiwanese leader William Lai hits new low, 3 polls show
Support for Taiwanese leader William Lai hits new low, 3 polls show

South China Morning Post

time2 days ago

  • South China Morning Post

Support for Taiwanese leader William Lai hits new low, 3 polls show

Taiwanese leader William Lai Ching-te is grappling with his steepest decline in public support since taking office nearly 15 months ago, indicating challenges for his ruling party in next year's local elections and the 2028 Taiwan leadership race. Three major surveys – the latest released on Tuesday – showed continued sharp drops in approval for Lai, signalling trouble even in Tainan, his southern hometown and power base. The numbers reflect widespread dissatisfaction over Lai's handling of the mass recall votes targeting opposition lawmakers, the response to Typhoon Danas, which caused severe flooding in southern Taiwan last month, and mounting economic concerns linked to new US tariffs The Taiwanese Public Opinion Foundation (TPOF), TVBS cable news network and online news outlet My Formosa all reported approval ratings for the Lai administration in the low 30s or below, while disapproval hit the mid-50s. Trust levels hovered around the mid-30s, while pessimism over Lai's remaining three years in office was widespread. The TPOF poll released on Tuesday found just 33.3 per cent of respondents approved of Lai's handling of Taiwanese affairs, compared with 54.4 per cent who disapproved. Even in Tainan, Lai's hometown and political stronghold, approval was at 36 per cent while disapproval ratings reached 43 per cent.

Why Taiwan doesn't need to panic over Trump just yet
Why Taiwan doesn't need to panic over Trump just yet

South China Morning Post

time2 days ago

  • South China Morning Post

Why Taiwan doesn't need to panic over Trump just yet

US President Donald Trump's return to the White House has undoubtedly put Taiwan on edge. His mistreatment of Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelensky, in the Oval Office at the end of February, coupled with his prickly and mercurial attitude toward US allies and partners worldwide, has been a real wake-up call for Taipei. But the second Trump administration had not significantly deviated from the cross-strait policies of past presidencies – until recently. Advertisement Two weeks ago, the big headline was that the Trump administration had reportedly cancelled Taiwanese leader Lai Ching-te's transit privileges through the United States en route to Paraguay, Guatemala and Belize. Despite the lack of US diplomatic recognition of Taiwan, it is customary for Washington to authorise Taiwanese leaders to briefly set foot on US soil and transfer to their next flight; sometimes they are also allowed to meet senior American officials and give speeches In this case, Lai was going to stop in New York and Dallas, but for unclear reasons, the Trump administration felt uncomfortable with his itinerary. The most likely reason is that Trump sought to avoid the poor optics of supporting Taiwan amid sensitive trade negotiations with Beijing. However, the Trump team never gave an explanation. Another bad news story for Taiwan, though less mainstream than the first, happened about two months ago but was only first reported in late July. Wellington Koo, Taiwan's defence chief, had been scheduled to meet Elbridge Colby, US undersecretary of defence for policy, in June, but Washington reportedly called off the meeting saying the timing was bad because of the US strikes on Iran. The talks are yet to take place. The Taiwanese side remains concerned that Washington is beginning to soften its stance on Beijing at Taipei's expense. A final worrisome moment pertained to trade. The Trump administration announced that Taiwan's new reciprocal tariff rate would be 20 per cent . Although this was down from Trump's initial 32 per cent rate, Lai was displeased, saying: 'The 20 per cent tariff rate was never Taiwan's target to begin with. We will continue negotiations and strive for a rate that's more favourable for Taiwan.' Advertisement Taiwan Semiconductor Manufacturing Company had already pledged US$100 billion to invest in the US to manufacture semiconductor chips, but the result was still unsatisfactory. Sustained trade frictions have led many in Taiwan to wonder whether an inability to get along economically could eventually convince the US to abandon the island.

Fewer cradles, more canes: East Asia's demographic reckoning
Fewer cradles, more canes: East Asia's demographic reckoning

AllAfrica

time3 days ago

  • AllAfrica

Fewer cradles, more canes: East Asia's demographic reckoning

East Asia faces an unprecedented demographic transformation that will reshape the region's economic and social foundations within decades. From Seoul to Singapore, fertility rates have collapsed below replacement levels, creating aging societies with shrinking workforces and mounting care demands. While this crisis spans multiple countries, Japan provides the clearest window into both the challenges ahead and potential solutions, having reached the most advanced stage of demographic decline. The regional scope is staggering. South Korea's fertility rate has plummeted to 0.72, the world's lowest, while China's has fallen to 1.09 despite abandoning its one-child policy. Taiwan sits at 0.87, and Singapore at 0.97. These aren't temporary fluctuations but sustained collapses driven by shared pressures: intense educational competition, high living costs, demanding work cultures and persistent gender inequalities that burden women with disproportionate caregiving responsibilities. Japan, as the demographic frontrunner, illustrates where this trajectory leads. In 2024, births fell to 686,061—the first time below 700,000 since 1899—while deaths approached 1.6 million, shrinking the population by 900,000 people. The fertility rate dropped to 1.15, and in Tokyo, it's below 1.0. With seniors comprising 30% of the population and working-age adults only 59%, Japan faces smaller tax bases, strained pensions and regions struggling with aging and decline. The Japanese experience reveals why conventional policy responses fail across the region. Despite extensive family-friendly policies, including child allowances and parental leave, births continue falling because three fundamental barriers persist throughout East Asia. High-intensity work cultures directly conflict with family formation, especially for women caught between career demands and caregiving expectations. Marriage-centric approaches to parenthood reduce births when marriage itself becomes delayed or avoided. Rising costs of housing, education and child-rearing push desired family sizes below replacement levels, particularly in expensive metropolitan areas. These create self-reinforcing cycles visible across the region: fewer young adults produce fewer births, accelerating aging and fiscal pressure, which tightens labor markets and makes family formation even harder. China's shrinking workforce, South Korea's pension crisis and Singapore's foreign worker dependence all reflect variations of this dynamic. Japan's evolution toward immigration as a partial solution foreshadows regional trends. Foreign residents reached 3.6 million in early 2025, reflecting policy shifts that other East Asian countries are beginning to emulate. However, immigration alone cannot reverse age structures quickly enough, and political sensitivities remain high across the region. The crucial challenge is integrating immigrants effectively to stabilize productivity and social cohesion. Rather than chasing birth rate recovery, East Asian societies need comprehensive strategies for thriving with smaller, older populations. Japan's emerging approach offers a regional template across several dimensions. Work redesign represents the first priority. Default flexibility with strict overtime limits and predictable scheduling challenges the region's notorious work cultures. Corporate incentives should be tied to concrete caregiving and flexibility improvements, not just policy promises. This applies equally to South Korea's demanding corporate culture and China's '996' work expectations. Making parenthood low-friction requires treating early childhood care as critical infrastructure. Universal, high-quality childcare within reasonable distances, backed by guaranteed spots, addresses cost and availability barriers across the region. Portable benefits independent of employment or marital status support contemporary life patterns from Seoul to Shanghai. Normalizing diverse family pathways means decoupling benefits from marriage and supporting single parents and cohabiting partners. Tax and pension systems should encourage rather than penalize dual-earner households, challenging traditional gender roles that persist across East Asian societies. Building 'silver productivity' economies through age-tech, robotics and AI-enabled care platforms offers opportunities to turn demographic challenges into competitive advantages. Regional cooperation in developing these technologies could create exportable expertise in serving aging populations globally. Immigration strategies must shift toward long-term settlement with language training, credential recognition, and anti-discrimination enforcement. Singapore's managed approach and Japan's recent visa expansions suggest models that China and South Korea might adapt. The political economy of this transition varies across the region but shares common elements. Success requires coalitions spanning seniors, employers and younger households, with immigration policies becoming predictably stable. China's authoritarian system offers different tools than democratic Taiwan or South Korea, but all face similar distributional negotiations about who pays for change and how quickly institutions adapt. East Asia can pioneer the world's first cluster of successful 'high-longevity, low-fertility' societies that maintain prosperity by maximizing capability at every age and background. This vision prioritizes time for caregivers, dignity for aging citizens, and inclusion for new residents across national boundaries. Japan's role as the demographic frontrunner makes it a crucial test case. If Japan develops effective adaptation strategies, they can inform approaches across the region and beyond. Many Western countries face similar but delayed transitions, making East Asian innovations globally relevant. The demographic crisis spans East Asia, but so does the opportunity for solutions. Japan's experience as the leading edge offers both warnings and hope for neighbors following the same path. The question isn't whether these societies will age and shrink—that's already happening. The question is whether they can build thriving models adapted to that reality, potentially transforming one of the 21st century's greatest challenges into a source of innovation and global leadership. Y. Tony Yang is an endowed professor and associate dean at the George Washington University in Washington, DC.

DOWNLOAD THE APP

Get Started Now: Download the App

Ready to dive into a world of global content with local flavor? Download Daily8 app today from your preferred app store and start exploring.
app-storeplay-store