
In this time of rancour, fear and war, peaceful nuclear cooperation in the Middle East is still possible
The proposal was not a new Iranian initiative. As far back as 1974, Iran proposed a zone free from nuclear weapons in the Middle East at the UN, and was soon joined by Egypt. That proposal passed overwhelmingly in the general assembly. After Iraq's use of chemical weapons during the Iran-Iraq war, the initiative was expanded in 1990 to cover all weapons of mass destruction. But for half a century, progress has been blocked by Israel and its main patron, the United States.
This paralysis is no accident. Despite overwhelming annual support in the UN general assembly and repeated commitments in the nuclear non-proliferation treaty (NPT), the Middle East remains one of the only regions on Earth without a nuclear weapon-free framework. More than 100 non-aligned states at the 1995 NPT review and extension conference made progress towards such a zone a condition of the treaty's indefinite extension. Yet 30 years on, little has changed.
In fact, the situation has deteriorated, showing that while possession of nuclear weapons usually leads to reckless adventurism, such weapons in no way assure success, provide invincibility or safety for citizens. Recent unlawful military action by the nuclear-armed Israel – which is not party to the NPT – against Iran's internationally monitored nuclear facilities brought our region dangerously close to an abyss. The failure of Israel to achieve its unwarranted objectives, and the inability of the US to bring Iran to its knees, could and still can engulf this region and by extension the entire world in a forever war.
Enough is enough. We must take the future of our region's security into our own hands. It is time for the Middle East and north Africa to move beyond empty rhetoric and towards genuine regional cooperation – based on mutual respect and the peaceful use of nuclear energy. That is why we propose the creation of the Middle East Network for Atomic Research and Advancement, or Menara, which fittingly means 'lighthouse' in Arabic.
Menara would be a regional body designed to facilitate peaceful nuclear cooperation among its members. Open to all qualified states in the Middle East and north Africa, to join, countries must reject the development or deployment of nuclear weapons and commit to mutual verification of their compliance. In return, Menara would help them benefit from peaceful nuclear technology, including energy production, medicine, agriculture and scientific research.
Such a body is not a substitute for disarmament – it is a step towards it. Regional nuclear cooperation, with strong safeguards and mutual oversight, can strengthen non-proliferation and enhance energy security without enabling militarisation.
It has long been argued that progress on regional disarmament must wait for Israel to disarm. But a regime that has shown no regard for international legitimacy by committing international crimes such as apartheid, genocide and, most recently, mass starvation will hardly be influenced by this negative pressure – it certainly has not been for more than 50 years. And its perilous nuclear arsenal has been and will always remain the gravest threat to international non-proliferation and regional and global peace and stability. Holding hundreds of millions of people hostage to one regime's nuclear arsenal and political impunity is a recipe for permanent instability. We must find a new way forward.
Menara would also help reframe the nuclear debate in the region. For too long, nuclear issues have been cast solely in terms of risk and threat. But nuclear science also offers solutions – to the climate crisis, water scarcity, food security and energy diversification. As oil and gas reserves dwindle, nuclear energy will be vital for regional growth and sustainability. Menara can make this future a shared, secure reality.
Here's how it would work. Menara would coordinate research, education and development across member states. It would support joint ventures in fields ranging from uranium enrichment and waste management to nuclear fusion and medicine. Members would share facilities, pool expertise and ensure transparency through a joint regulatory board. Contributions would be proportional to each country's capacity, but every member would benefit.
The network would be headquartered in one of the participating countries, with branch offices and potentially shared enrichment facilities in others. Oversight would be conducted by a board of governors composed of national representatives, with international observers from the UN, the security council and the International Atomic Energy Agency invited to participate. Crucially, Menara would include robust mutual safeguards to prevent the diversion of materials for military use.
Today, more than ever, we in the Middle East and north Africa region have been woken up to a collective cognisance of the horrifying picture of our future unless we seize this moment. We know that mistrust runs deep in our region. Iran has its grievances and so do others. But history must not define our destiny.
We call on the nations of the Middle East and north Africa to endorse Menara and begin formal negotiations on its structure, mandate and membership criteria. A regional summit – under the auspices of the UN and with support from global powers – could lay the foundation. Such a step would not only reduce the risk of nuclear conflict but also offer a model for cooperation in a fractured world.
The status quo is unsustainable. The nightmare of escalation and its inherent potential to cause proliferation is no longer hypothetical; it is dangerously close to becoming real. But there is still time to choose a different path.
Menara can be a beacon guiding us towards a future where the Middle East is no longer a battleground for nuclear brinkmanship, but a leader in peace, progress and responsible energy. The time to act is now.
Javad Zarif is associate professor of global studies at the University of Tehran. He was Iran's foreign minister and chief nuclear negotiator from 2013-21. His co-author is Mohsen Baharvand, who was Iran's deputy foreign minister and ambassador to the UK
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