
Malaysia's Leviathan: Anwar's pact for order
Without a central power to impose order, each individual acts in their own interest, often threatening others in the process.
The solution, Hobbes proposed, was the creation of an all-powerful sovereign that an entity entrusted with absolute authority to maintain peace and stability. In modern political terms, this sovereign is the state itself.
As Malaysia navigates a complex era under the leadership of Prime Minister Datuk Seri Anwar Ibrahim, Hobbes's insights offer a compelling lens through which to assess both the administration's actions and the expectations of its citizens.
Anwar's unity government came into power in November 2022 amid political fragmentation, economic uncertainty, and mounting social anxieties.
Hobbes believed that individuals are willing to surrender certain liberties in exchange for protection and stability, an idea that resonates strongly in Malaysia today.
The administration has embarked on sweeping reforms aimed at restoring fiscal discipline, narrowing the budget deficit, and fostering long-term economic resilience.
Chief among these is the rationalisation of fuel subsidies, beginning with RON95 petrol, and the expansion of the sales and services tax (SST).
These changes, though necessary from a governance and economic standpoint, have generated anxiety among citizens already burdened by high living costs.
In the Hobbesian framework, such reforms are the sovereign's attempt to provide security but they can only succeed if the public perceives that their sacrifices are being met with tangible, equitable outcomes.
The fear of losing one's livelihood or economic stability mirrors Hobbes's portrayal of insecurity in the state of nature. When individuals feel unprotected or perceive policies as unjust, they may turn against the very structure meant to preserve order.
Anwar's administration must therefore tread carefully, ensuring that reforms do not deepen inequality or alienate key voter bases, particularly the Malay majority who feel increasingly disillusioned.
Budget 2025, with its record-high spending and emphasis on targeted aid, aims to balance austerity with inclusiveness. But execution is critical. Hobbes warned that a sovereign who cannot enforce fairness or maintain the confidence of the people risks collapse into chaos.
In his theory, Hobbes emphasised that human conflict often arises not just from survival instincts but from the desire for status and recognition. Malaysia's deeply embedded socio-economic hierarchies—defined along ethnic, class, and regional lines echo this dynamic.
Anwar's flagship socio-economic reform, the Bumiputera Transformation 2035 (PuTERA35), seeks to address these disparities by elevating disadvantaged Malay communities through better education, asset ownership, and entrepreneurial support.
Yet critics argue that its lack of coordination and uneven implementation may inadvertently reinforce cronyism or widen gaps between the elite and marginalised.
For Hobbes, the sovereign's role is not just to distribute resources but to do so transparently and impartially. Failure to address perceived favouritism or inefficiency can provoke rivalry and undermine national cohesion.
Another dimension of Hobbes's sovereign is the monopoly on the interpretation of laws. In Malaysia, Anwar's administration has moved to strengthen its control over public discourse by expanding the scope of the Sedition Act and passing new laws under the Communications and Multimedia Act and the Cyber Security Act.
While these measures are justified by the government as necessary for maintaining harmony and preventing extremism, they also curtail civil liberties and may stifle dissent.
Hobbes acknowledged that a sovereign must sometimes suppress liberties to prevent disorder, but he also warned that overreach can erode trust.
For a diverse and increasingly vocal Malaysian society, maintaining this balance between control and freedom is a delicate act.
Externally, Hobbes's concept of the sovereign extends to international relations, where states act much like individuals in the state of nature competing for power, resources, and security. Anwar's foreign policy, especially during Malaysia's 2025 ASEAN chairmanship, reflects this reality.
He has skilfully navigated Malaysia's position between competing powers, engaging with both the United States and China while pursuing strategic partnerships with BRICS nations.
This balancing act is crucial to Malaysia's sovereignty and stability, especially amid global tensions in the South China Sea.
According to Hobbes, a strong sovereign must shield its people from external threats and establish a reliable role in the global order, objectives that Anwar seems committed to pursuing through diplomacy and economic alignment.
So, what can Malaysians realistically expect from Anwar's government through the Hobbesian lens?
First, continued economic restructuring that demands public patience and trust. Second, increased efforts to centralise and streamline governance, eliminating duplication and inefficiencies across state agencies.
Third, a more regulated civic space, particularly in the digital realm, as the state attempts to police misinformation and preserve unity. Fourth, long-term social programs aimed at redistributing wealth and uplifting vulnerable communities though their success hinges on competent implementation and transparency.
Finally, proactive international engagement to secure Malaysia's relevance and buffer it from external shocks.
Ultimately, Hobbes's Leviathan teaches us that authority, while sometimes restrictive, is necessary to prevent descent into disorder. Anwar's administration has assumed this Hobbesian role: demanding sacrifices while promising security and order in return.
Whether this social contract holds will depend on the state's ability to deliver justice, economic opportunity, and peace across a pluralistic society. If Malaysians see that their obedience yields protection and fairness, the Leviathan will be legitimised.
But if sacrifices are met with inequality, repression, or inefficiency, the fragile compact may fracture and Hobbes's state of nature may not seem so hypothetical after all. ‒ July 23, 2025
R. Paneir Selvam is the principal consultant of Arunachala Research & Consultancy Sdn Bhd, a think tank specialising in strategic national and geopolitical matters.
The views expressed are solely of the author and do not necessarily reflect those of Focus Malaysia.
Main image: The Star

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