
People around Pahalgam decry Modi's unrealistic rhetoric about ground-realities
For the first time, I had the opportunity of visiting the spectacular Srinagar, while on our way to Pahalgam. Police vigilance and checking after every furlong caused dismay to our team members, especially because the military personnel posted there kept asking us about who we were and for what purpose we were in the sensitive area. It is ironic that while around one crore people live in Kashmir, approximately seven lakh military personnel of various ranks are being posted for vigilance and to fight terrorists and invaders.
Strangely, at first look it appears like the State is under military rule and is not being run by a democratically elected government.
The moot point is what has led to such a sorry situation in the first place. Kashmiris still do not trust the Indian government. There have been many attempts to stamp the people of Kashmir as terrorists. Is it the real scene out there or are there any political reasons or a hidden agenda behind this escapist act?
During the Sheik Abdullah's regime land reforms were implemented with the slogan 'Land to the tiller'. As part of the exercise, land was seized without giving compensation and distributed to the people. As and when governments changed, the new government did not implement land reforms but enacted new laws that put a halt to land reforms. Every family has land on which they cultivate paddy, apples and lichee fruits, among others. We cannot see poverty there. When there is such a prosperous situation, one wonders why this anarchism.
Politics of the post-independence period have given life and employment to people. But the people of Kashmir have lost confidence in the union government, whose leaders with their lust for power committed unpardonable mistakes. A most damaging fallout has been that terrorists t0ok advantage of the situation and turned more menacing. Pakistan seized the opportunity and abetted the terrorists based in the valley, while the people of Kashmir were left aghast at the Centre's inept administration.
Meanwhile, I, accompanied by other national secretaries of the Communist Party of India (CPI) Ramakrishna Panda and Azeez Pasha, paid a visit to Pahalgam. We found a police camp after every furlong. There were an estimated seven lakh personnel drawn from either the police or military forces. jawans.
We wished to visit Operation Sindoor spot but all roads leading to that area were closed. With great difficulty we reached Pahalgam, where we could chit chat with petty retail merchants and horse-riding helpers. Incidentally, their narrations implied that the situation was far better than what is projected by Prime Minister Narendra Modi's rhetoric.
Following the Pahalgam massacre the compensation paid to the kin of the 22 tourists, who were killed, was peanuts.
The locals living in the border areas contend that India lost five war jets and several war bases, while there were many migrations from the other side. While the entire nation was hoping that Indian forces would re-occupy POK, the war was stopped in an overnight move.
Modi is utilising Sindoor as election propaganda material. He is instilling fear among tourists and the retail merchants are unable to earn a decent livelihood. Prior to Pahalgam, there would be over 1000 horses waiting for customers while today there are hardly 100 hundred horses. Tourists are shunning Kashmir and Modi is resorting to venomous politics just to hang on to power.
It is fair to state that central politics which started during the Indira Gandhi period, are nearing their climax now.
At the political crossroads:
Post-independence, the political history of Jammu and Kashmir, was marked by a series of tumultuous and defining events. One of the most significant was the arrest of the region's tallest and most influential leader, Sheikh Mohammad Abdullah.
Often referred to as the 'Lion of Kashmir', he led its first democratically elected government. A charismatic mass leader, he played a pivotal role in shaping the political consciousness of the region during the tumultuous years following partition.
He was widely credited for carrying out radical land reforms in the 1950s under the slogan 'Land to the tiller', a transformative policy that broke the centuries-old feudal stranglehold and redistributed land to poor peasants. This move not only cemented his popularity among the masses but also triggered deep socio-economic changes in the agrarian landscape of Kashmir.
However, his growing assertion of regional autonomy and his stance on Kashmir's special status under Article 370 brought him into confrontation with the Indian establishment. In 1953, in a dramatic turn of events, Sheikh Abdullah was dismissed from office and subsequently arrested—an action that sowed deep seeds of mistrust between Srinagar and New Delhi, the effects of which continue to echo in the region's politics. Shiekh's arrest also marked the erosion of Jammu and Kashmir's autonomy.
Since his arrest, Centre-State relations in Jammu and Kashmir remained tense and deteriorated, reaching a new low in 1984. That year, the Central government engineered a political defection within the ruling National Conference, leading to the dismissal of Dr. Farooq Abdullah as Chief Minister. In his place, Ghulam Mohammad Shah—Farooq's brother-in-law and a dissident within the party—was installed as the head of the government. Shah's nearly two-year rule was marked by law-and-order problems leading to frequent curfews.
The eruption of militancy in 1989 and the appointment of Jagmohan as Governor of Jammu and Kashmir worsened the situation. According to official figures, more than 40,000 people were killed after militancy gathered steam in the region.
The protracted presidential rule from 1990 to 1996 created a prolonged democratic vacuum, eroding public trust in political institutions and further deepening the sense of disenfranchisement among the people. During this period, the absence of elected governments and the dominance of security-centric governance led to widespread human rights concerns and a deepening of the conflict narrative.
The restoration of democracy in 1996 gave people respite from the long-drawn bureaucratic rule.
However, on August 5, 2019, the Central government's unilateral action stripping the special constitution position of Jammu and Kashmir and splitting it into two federally controlled Union Territories drifted the people of the region away from New Delhi.
Even after more than nine months since Omar Abdullah's government took office in October 2024, public disillusionment remains high. The promised restoration of statehood is yet to materialize, and the prevailing dual power structure—split between the elected government and the centrally appointed Lieutenant Governor—continues to hamper effective governance. This overlapping authority has led to administrative confusion, policy delays, and a growing sense of frustration among the people.
To assuage the hurt and alienation of the people, the government should prioritise restoration of full statehood to Jammu and Kashmir. This move would not only fulfill a long-standing promise but also reaffirm faith in democratic processes and representative governance.
Restoring statehood is essential to bridge the trust deficit, empowering local institutions, and ensuring that the aspirations of the region's people are addressed through a responsive and accountable administration.
(The writer is the National Secretary of CPI)
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