A clash over a promotion puts Hegseth at odds with his generals
When Lt. Gen. Douglas A. Sims II was cleared of the allegations, Hegseth briefly agreed to promote him, only to change course again early this month, the officials said. This time, Hegseth maintained that the senior officer was too close to Gen. Mark Milley, a former chair of the Joint Chiefs of Staff whom President Donald Trump has accused of disloyalty.
Hegseth's sudden reversal prompted a rare intervention from Gen. Dan Caine, the current chair of the Joint Chiefs. He urged Hegseth to reconsider, said the officials, who spoke on the condition of anonymity to discuss internal deliberations.
Hegseth met with Sims one final time but refused to budge. Sims is expected to retire in the coming months after 34 years in the military, officials said. Through a spokesperson, Sims and Caine declined to comment. A Pentagon spokesperson declined to comment on Hegseth's role.
The standoff over his promotion reflects an ongoing clash between Hegseth's highly partisan worldview, in which he has written that the Democratic Party 'really does hate America,' and the long-standing tradition of an apolitical military that pledges an oath to the Constitution.
Hegseth's actions could shape the military's top ranks for years to come. His insistence on absolute loyalty, backed with repeated threats of polygraphs, also creates uncertainty and mistrust that threaten to undermine the readiness and effectiveness of the force, officials said.
The tension between top military officers and their civilian leaders has been persistent since the earliest days of Trump's second term, when senior administration officials ordered the removal of Milley's portrait from a Pentagon hallway.
Caine, who pressed Hegseth on Sims' behalf, got the job of Joint Chiefs chair after Hegseth and Trump fired Gen. Charles Q. Brown Jr., his predecessor. Hegseth accused Brown, who is Black, of prioritizing diversity over the combat effectiveness of the force.
Also removed during the first months of the new administration were the first woman to command the Navy, Adm. Lisa Franchetti; the first woman to command the Coast Guard, Adm. Linda Fagan; Hegseth's senior military assistant, Lt. Gen. Jennifer Short; and the U.S. military representative to the NATO military committee, Vice Adm. Shoshana Chatfield. All were dismissed as part of a campaign to root out diversity, equity and inclusion from the military and restore what Hegseth has described as a 'warrior ethos.'
Hegseth also recently withdrew the nomination of Rear Adm. Michael 'Buzz' Donnelly to lead the Navy's 7th Fleet in Japan -- its largest overseas force -- amid reports in conservative media that seven years earlier the admiral had allowed a drag performance to take place on the aircraft carrier Ronald Reagan.
The decision not to promote Sims, who is white, seems unrelated to any issues of race or gender. Rather, the general's career seems to have become tangled up in broader suspicions about leaks and a mistrust of senior military officers that have defined much of Hegseth's first six months on the job.
Hegseth, a former Fox News host and an Iraq War veteran, came to the Pentagon with little managerial experience. Since his arrival, a series of firings and resignations in his inner circle have left him with only a skeleton staff of civilian aides to run his office. He has been without a permanent chief of staff since late April. Ricky Buria, a recently retired Marine colonel who has forged a close relationship with Hegseth, has been serving in the critical role.
But White House officials, who have concerns about Buria's competence and qualifications, have blocked Hegseth from formally appointing him to the job, officials said. Buria, meanwhile, has clashed repeatedly with many of Hegseth's closest aides and some officers in the Pentagon.
This spring, Eric Geressy, a retired sergeant major who served with Hegseth in Iraq and now advises him in the Pentagon, threatened to quit after an argument with Buria, according to people with knowledge of the situation. Around the same time, the White House directed Hegseth to cease using polygraph tests on his team, after one of his senior aides complained, a former Pentagon official said.
The rift and the decision to stop the polygraph testing were reported earlier by The Washington Post. Geressy briefly went to his home in Florida before Hegseth persuaded him to return, officials said.
Hegseth is also still contending with a review by the Pentagon's inspector general related to his disclosure on the Signal messaging app of the precise timing of U.S. fighter jets' airstrikes against the Iranian-backed Houthi militia in Yemen in March.
The office has received evidence that the information that Hegseth put in the commercial chat app came from a classified Central Command document, according to two U.S. officials with knowledge of the review. The classified origins of the information were reported earlier by the Post.
The infighting, investigations and personnel churn have strained Hegseth's ability to manage critical operations in the Pentagon. Hegseth found himself in the crosshairs this month after Democrats and Republicans in Congress blamed him for pausing critical shipments of interceptors and other arms to Ukraine without sufficiently consulting with the White House or the State Department.
The suspension was particularly jarring because just days earlier Trump had said he was open to selling more weapons to Ukraine after meeting with President Volodymyr Zelenskyy on the sidelines of a NATO meeting in The Hague.
It also left the impression that Hegseth and his top aides had failed to keep the president and senior White House officials in the loop.
As aides to Hegseth traded blame, and then tried to play down the impact of the pause, Trump dramatically overruled the Pentagon, saying he was unhappy with President Vladimir Putin of Russia.
In a further twist, Trump endorsed a plan for NATO countries to send Patriot antimissile systems to Ukraine and replace them by purchasing new arms from the United States. It was an approach conceived by NATO countries. Hegseth has delegated responsibility for working out details of the arms transfers to senior U.S. military officers in Europe.
The frustration with Hegseth is seeping out. Sen. Thom Tillis, R-N.C., who cast the deciding vote to confirm Hegseth, this month called him ill-suited to lead the Pentagon.
'With the passing of time, I think it's clear he's out of his depth as a manager of a large, complex organization,' Tillis told CNN.
For now, Hegseth's missteps do not seem to have hurt his standing with the person who matters most: Trump.
Like Trump, Hegseth had a career in television before joining the administration and relishes the performative aspects of his job. As defense secretary, he regularly posts videos that show him exercising with troops. The photo ops -- known inside the Pentagon as 'troop touches' -- are a central part of almost all his public appearances, current and former aides said.
Several officials have complained that the photos and videos -- including one that he posted from Omaha Beach in Normandy in which he joins Army Rangers carrying a soldier on a stretcher as part of D-Day remembrances -- are distractions that serve primarily to bolster his image.
Anna Kelly, a White House spokesperson, said that Hegseth retained Trump's 'full confidence' and cited the 'critical role' he played 'in ensuring the flawless execution' of the strikes on Iranian nuclear facilities in June.
Current and former military officials said that Trump largely bypassed Hegseth in the days leading up to the strikes and instead relied on Caine and Gen. Michael Erik Kurilla, the head of Central Command, for counsel.
But officials with knowledge of the president's thinking said Trump especially admired his defense secretary's combative response at a news conference to reports questioning the effectiveness of the attack.
Today Hegseth is managing the Pentagon with a smaller immediate staff than when he started in January. Several top aides were forced out or quit. In late April, three top aides were fired and escorted from the building. Hegseth has repeatedly accused them, without offering evidence, of leaking classified information to the media.
The fired aides, who have not been charged with any wrongdoing, were recently told that an investigation into the allegations against them was in its final stages and would soon be shared with the Pentagon's senior leaders, officials said.
In the wake of their dismissal and a series of negative stories about Hegseth's performance in the job, Karoline Leavitt, the White House press secretary, offered a window into how Hegseth views the department he now runs.
'This is what happens when the entire Pentagon is working against you and working against the monumental change you are trying to implement,' she said.
That same spirit seems to animate the Pentagon today. Only a few months ago, Sims' promotion to four stars seemed to be a given. Of the last 21 officers to hold his current position, 19 were promoted to four-star rank.
'He's the type of person you would want your kids serving under -- extremely dedicated, selfless and loyal,' said Brynt Parmeter, who stepped down in June as the Pentagon's chief talent management officer and has known Sims for more than three decades.
The Pentagon gave a more muted assessment. In a statement, Sean Parnell, the Pentagon's chief spokesperson, thanked Sims for his 'decades of service.'
'We wish him well in his future endeavors,' Parnell wrote.
This article originally appeared in The New York Times.
Copyright 2025

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The Hill
9 minutes ago
- The Hill
Texas Democrats explain quorum breaking, Republicans demand arrests to force Trump-ordered redistricting vote
AUSTIN (KXAN) — Several Texas lawmakers left the state Sunday to block a Monday vote on redrawn congressional maps designed to add five Republican seats in the US House of Representatives. At least 51 Democratic state representatives chose to leave Texas on Sunday. Some of those lawmakers said they've gone to New York, and others went to Illinois. The Governors of those states have stated their support for the action. 2021 | Statehouse reaches stalemate as Texas Democrats break quorum and Republicans lock doors Texas Democratic Party Chairman Kendall Scudder issued a statement Sunday in support of the quorum breakers. In it, he said that Texas Gov. Greg Abbott was 'holding disaster flood relief hostage to steal five congressional seats' under orders from President Donald Trump. In June, Trump met with several Texas Republicans. He has also publicly said that he wants Texas to create five new Republican seats. 'Greg Abbott just told flood survivors across Texas that their suffering comes second to Donald Trump's thirst for power … That's not governing, that's gutless,' Scudder said. 'Your right to representation in your government is under attack, and Texas Democrats will protect your rights through any means necessary.' The action puts the legislative chamber at a standstill, as the House's rules require the presence of two-thirds of its 150 members — at least 100 representatives. Since the absences aren't excused, each legislator who has left Texas is subject to a fine of $500 per day. The Texas Republican Party also issued a statement from its chair, Abraham George. He called the Democratic lawmakers 'cowards' while also calling for them to be 'hunted down' and arrested. 'While Republicans are fighting for fair and lawful redistricting that reflects the will of the people, Democrats are abandoning their sworn duty, and trying to silence your voice,' he wrote. 'Those Texas House Democrats who refuse to do their sworn duty and flee to deny a quorum are not above the law … We should use every tool at our disposal to hunt down those who think they are above the law.' Both parties are using the situation to fundraise. Only 12 days remain in the special session. Texas Democrats say why they're leaving In a statement, Texas House Democratic Caucus Chair Gene Wu said that the caucus's decision was made 'with absolute moral clarity.' He also criticized Gov. Greg Abbott's decision to include redistricting along with recent flooding in the called session's topics. 'Governor Abbott has turned the victims of a historic tragedy into political hostages in his submission to Donald Trump,' Wu said in a statement. 'He is using an intentionally racist map to steal the voices of millions of Black and Latino Texans, all to execute a corrupt political deal. Apathy is complicity, and we will not be complicit in the silencing of hard-working communities who have spent decades fighting for the power that Trump wants to steal.' 'I am ready, willing and able': House Democrat says he'd break quorum to stop redistricting Other Texas Democrats made statements Sunday about their decision to break quorum. Reps. Venton Jones, Ana-María Rodríguez Ramos, Ron Reynolds, Gina Hinojosa, Lulu Flores and Sheryl Cole also made statements on social media Sunday. Rep. Ann Johnson 'The Governor doesn't need us here to help flood survivors — he needs us here to pass Donald Trump's political agenda,' Johnson said. 'We've reached a line I won't cross. Abbott's map is a direct assault on our constitution. If we're not willing to put ourselves in the way of that, we shouldn't be here.' Rep. James Talarico 'This is the rot at the core of our broken political system,' Talarico said. 'We normally redistrict at the beginning of the decade after a new census. But Trump and Texas Republicans are trying to redraw these maps in the middle of the decade to rig the 2026 midterms.' It's like two football teams coming out of the locker room at halftime, and the team that's ahead changes the rules of the game to make sure they win. It's cheating. Plain and simple. Rep. James Talarico 'We may not be at the Capitol, but we're doing our jobs. We may not be in Texas, but we're fighting for our constituents,' his statement continues, 'We're not just fighting for Democrats — we're fighting for Independents and Republicans too. Because in a democracy, voters are supposed to choose their politicians, not the other way around.' Rep. John Bucy III 'This session should be about helping Texans recover — not helping Donald Trump gain power,' Bucy said. 'If Governor Abbott is going to try to quietly redraw maps while families are still cleaning out flooded homes, we're going to make it hurt.' Rep Trey Martinez 'Today, I walked out of the Texas Capitol alongside my Democratic peers in protest of the MAGA maps House Republicans are rushing to pass. Our Democracy is being stolen from us, and I am sounding the alarm—it's time for our nation to wake up! It's a stand I'm extremely familiar with—after breaking quorum in 2003 and leading the fight in 2021, I'm ready to dig my heels in and make sure the MAGA extremists know what they're up against. No one should underestimate what the Democrats will do to preserve voting rights and democracy.' Republicans call for the arrest of lawmakers Texas Attorney General Ken Paxton said on X Sunday that the quorum breakers should be arrested. House Speaker Dustin Burrows said on X that 'all options were on the table' should the House not make quorum at 3:00 p.m. Monday. The Legislature rules require the House sergeant-at-arms to arrest and secure absent members for attendance. This action can't be done until after the Texas House determines that quorum hasn't been met due to unexcused absences. However, the authority of the sergeant-at-arms doesn't extend outside of Texas, Rep. Brent Money said on July 30. 'This is not theoretical-it was used in 2003 and again in 2021,' Money said. 'Should members flee the state for an extended period, the Governor has the constitutional authority to declare their seats vacant under the Texas Election Code. This would lower the quorum threshold and allow the House to act.' Rep. Nate Schatzline echoed Money's statement on Sunday, hours after gloating on X that the redrawn map draws Democratic US Rep. Jasmine Crockett's residence out of her district. Rep. Jeff Leach responded to Johnson, whom he said was 'trusted and respected and worked well with.' The two are the chair and joint chair of the House Judiciary Committee. 'If Ann chooses to flee the State and to shirk her responsibilities and duties to her constituents and to the people of Texas, she should immediately be stripped of her Vice Chairmanship,' Leach said. Rep. Jared Patterson also called for arrests, but showed a spark of creativity — in a post, he called on Abbott to explore redistricting of Texas House seats to further solidify one-party rule in the state. '[Abbott] reserves the right to add items to the Special Session call, including redistricting Texas House seats. If all options are on the table, ALL options should be explored,' Patterson said. Abbott released an ad Sunday that targeted Rep. Wu directly. The ad doesn't mention redistricting, and instead said that Wu was blocking flood relief legislation. Rep. Brian Harrison, R-Midlothian, told KXAN that Texas Republicans were within their rights to redraw the map to favor the GOP. 'Elected Republicans in the state of Texas should be doing everything in our power to make sure that the United States Congress does not fall into the hands of the liberal extremist Democrats,' Harrison said. National Democrats voice support Democratic National Committee Chair Ken Martin said in a statement that President Trump and the Republicans have long engaged in 'rigging the system, breaking the rules, and scheming to hold onto power.' He also said that the Republican lawmakers were attempting to redistrict to 'enrich a handful of elites.' 'For weeks, we've been warning that if Republicans in Texas want a showdown — if they want to delay flood relief to cravenly protect Donald Trump from an inevitable midterm meltdown — then we'd give them that showdown,' Martin said. 'That's exactly what Texas Democrats did today: blowing up Republicans' sham special session that's virtually ignored the plight of flood victims in Kerr County.' He added that the DNC was 'proud to support these legislators in standing up and showing real leadership.' 'Republicans thought they could just rig the maps and change the rules without the American people taking notice. They were dead wrong,' Martin added. 'After this fight is done, we're coming full force for the Republicans' House majority.' U.S. Representative Greg Casar, D-Austin, told KXAN he felt the state representatives were defending democracy. 'Texas Democrats are going around the country to mobilize everyone against this corrupt Trump plan, and by not being in the state capitol, they can continue to delay that plan while we mobilize the country around protecting voting [corruption],' he said. Casar, whose district he represents spans from Pflugerville to San Antonio, said the new map is too extreme. 'Donald Trump's plan is to change our districts — to rig the way these elections will work before anybody ever gets to cast a vote for people,' Casar continued.
Yahoo
36 minutes ago
- Yahoo
The Supreme Court Just Signaled Something Deeply Disturbing About the Next Term
Sign up for the Slatest to get the most insightful analysis, criticism, and advice out there, delivered to your inbox daily. Reading the tea leaves from cryptic Supreme Court orders can be perilous business because the justices are not bound by the questions they ask at oral argument, the offhand comments they make at a judicial conference, or even their monumental 'shadow docket' rulings on emergency petitions that have become all too common. But a technical briefing order in a long pending case out of Louisiana, posted on the Supreme Court's website after 5 p.m. on a Friday in August, was ominous. The order was likely intended to obscure that the court is ready to consider striking down the last remaining pillar of the Voting Rights Act, known as Section 2. Such a monumental ruling, likely not coming until June 2026, would change the nature of congressional, state, and local elections, all across the country, and likely stir major civil rights protests as the midterm election season heats up. Louisiana v. Callais, the case that was the subject of last Friday's cryptic order, is a voting case over the drawing of Louisiana's six congressional districts. Louisiana has about a one-third Black population, but after the 2020 census the state legislature drew a districting plan, passed over a Democratic governor's veto, that created only one district in which black voters would be likely to elect their candidate of choice. Before Callais, Black voters had successfully sued Louisiana in a case called Robinson v. Ardoin, arguing that Section 2 of the Voting Rights Act required drawing a second congressional district giving black voters that opportunity. Section 2 says minority voters should have the same opportunity as other voters to elect their candidates of choice, and courts have long used it to require new districts when there is a large and cohesive minority population concentrated in a given area, when white and minority voters choose different candidates, and when the minority has difficulty electing its preferred representatives. After Robinson and more litigation, the Louisiana legislature drew up a new plan which created the second congressional district. The state drew the second district to otherwise favor Republicans in the state overall, including House Speaker Mike Johnson. A new group of voters then sued in the Callais case, arguing that Louisiana's drawing of the second district violated the U.S. Constitution's Equal Protection Clause by being a racial gerrymander. Since the 1993 case of Shaw v. Reno, the Supreme Court has found racial gerrymanders when race is the predominant factor in drawing district lines, and the state has no compelling interest in drawing such lines. When the Supreme Court first held oral argument in the Callais case in March, it appeared to be another in a long series of cases (many out of Louisiana) in which the court considered whether race or partisanship predominated in the drawing of district lines. I've long written that this is an impossible exercise in places like Louisiana where the factors overlap —most white voters in Louisiana are Republicans and Black voters are Democrats, so when the state discriminates against Democrats it is also discriminating against Black voters. It appeared from the initial March oral argument that the court was going to once again determine whether race or party predominated. But instead of deciding the case at the end of June when the court ordinarily disposes of the cases heard during the term, the court set the case up for re-argument. That's rare but not unheard of. Back in 2010, the Supreme Court set the Citizens United case up for re-argument the following September. But when the court issued its June order in Citizens United for re-argument, the same order told the parties that the court wanted something new to be briefed and argued on re-argument: whether to overrule a line of cases allowing limits on corporate spending in elections. The court the following January then overruled these cases in one of the most consequential election law cases of our time that has had significant reverberations for our politics ever since. Fifteen years later, something similar seems to be happening with Section 2 of the Voting Rights Act. In June of this year, rather than deciding the case it heard in March, the court issued an order in Callais setting the case for re-argument and stating that 'in due course, the Court will issue an order scheduling argument and specifying any additional questions to be addressed in supplemental briefing.' Justice Clarence Thomas impatiently dissented from the order, saying now was the time to recognize that Section 2 of the Voting Rights Act and the court's racial gerrymandering case are on a collision course and to kill off Section 2 or rewrite it to be toothless. We waited weeks for the court to issue its rescheduling order and when it came this past Friday it was a doozy. The court pointed specifically to a set of pages in plaintiffs' brief which argue that Section 2 is unconstitutional, at least as applied in this case, and that the Voting Rights Act cannot serve as a compelling interest to defeat a racial gerrymandering claim when race predominates. 'The parties are directed to file supplemental briefs addressing the following question raised [in that brief]: Whether the State's intentional creation of a second majority-minority congressional district violates the Fourteenth or Fifteenth Amendments to the U. S. Constitution.' Although the court's order did not explicitly mention Section 2 or even the Voting Rights Act more generally—unquestionably to obscure things further—there is no doubting what's going on here. The court is asking the parties to consider whether Louisiana's compliance with Section 2 of the Voting Rights Act by drawing a second majority-minority district—as the earlier Ardoin case seemed to require—was unconstitutional under a view of the Constitution as requiring colorblindness. If the Supreme Court moves forward with this interpretation it would be a sea change to voting rights law. A reading of the Constitution as forbidding race-conscious districting as mandated by Congress to deal with centuries of race discrimination in voting is at odds with the text of the Constitution, with the powers granted directly to Congress to enforce the Fourteenth and Fifteenth Amendments, and with numerous precedents of the Supreme Court itself. It would end what has been the most successful way that Black and other minority voters have gotten fair representation in Congress, state legislatures and in local bodies. It would be an earthquake in politics and make our legislative bodies whiter and our protection for minority voters greatly diminished. Even if the court less drastically says that Section 2 could not be used to require the second congressional district in this case, such a superficially more minimal ruling would mean the quick unraveling of most Section 2 districts because if the facts in Louisiana don't justify drawing a second district, most other Section 2 claims would fail too. A ruling killing or crippling Section 2 would be in line with what we have come to expect from the Roberts Court. Back in 2013, the court struck down as unconstitutional the other main pillar of the Voting Rights Act, the one requiring that jurisdictions with a history of race discrimination in voting get federal approval before making changes in voting laws that could decrease minority voting power. When the court did that in Shelby County, holding that the formula for deciding which jurisdictions had to get preclearance was outdated, Chief Justice John Roberts left open the possibility that Congress could write a new formula, knowing full well that it wouldn't be able to write one that would satisfy both a majority in Congress and the Supreme Court. He further assured us that 'Our decision in no way affects the permanent, nationwide ban on racial discrimination in voting found in § 2.' And now, that second pillar could well fall too. Court conservatives likely thought teeing up the issue of overruling Section 2 on a hot summer weekend would avoid public notice. But that's a short term strategy. Come next June, any decision to strike down what's left of the Voting Rights Act could kick off the start of a new civil rights movement and more serious talk of Supreme Court reform in the midst of crucially important midterm elections. A court fundamentally hostile to the rights of voters places the court increasingly at odds with democracy itself. Solve the daily Crossword


The Hill
39 minutes ago
- The Hill
US tariffs put 30,000 South African jobs at risk, officials say
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