
Vikings in the East by Martyn Whittock: Well-researched account let down by attempt to make sense of Putin's invasion
Vikings in the East: From Vladimir the Great to Vladimir Putin, the Origins of a Contested Legacy in Russia and Ukraine
Author
:
Martyn Whittock
ISBN-13
:
978-1785909054
Publisher
:
Biteback Publishing
Guideline Price
:
£22
Martyn Whittock, a prolific and eclectic
British
historian, author of several books on Vikings and the old Norse world, focuses here on a lesser-known aspect of Viking history. He examines the eastward expeditions of
Swedish
warrior-traders, known as Varangians, in the ninth and tenth centuries that ultimately led to the establishment of the Kievan Rus in Kyiv in 988, with the coronation of Vladimir the Great.
Vladimir was in the line of the Rurikid dynasty, which would rule Russia until it died out with Ivan the Terrible's childless son Feodor I in 1598.
The Kievan Rus underpins the claims by
Russian
nationalists, including
Vladimir Putin
, on
Ukraine
, even though Kyiv and Muscovy developed in largely separate ways when Kyiv went into decline after being sacked by the Mongols in 1240. At various times in Russian history, under the tsars and especially under Soviet rule, the Viking origins have been either championed or rejected, depending on the powers-that-be's attitude to Russia's Germanic neighbours to the west.
Whittock offers a brisk and well-documented account of the early Viking settlements that used the network of rivers in the Volga basin to trade as far afield as Constantinople and Abbasid Baghdad, bringing amber, furs and slaves east in exchange for silver, large hordes of which have been discovered in Sweden, particularly on the Baltic island of Gotland.
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Much of the second half of the book is given over to the ideological battles fought over the Viking influence in establishing the first Russian state.
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The book's major flaw, however, is the centrality given to these ideological battles as a rationale for the invasion of Ukraine, which seems rather beside the point. Vladimir Putin's succession of intellectual justifications – including smearing Ukrainians as Nazis – have been so patently untrue that any attempt to place them in a discursive lineage is rather pointless, no matter how deep a story, in Whittock's words, it might be.
If the origins of the Kievan Rus weren't up to the task for Putin, he would just invent another excuse. Vikings in the East, engaging as it is as an account of the common origins of Russia and Ukraine, is far less interesting as an analysis of contemporary Russian imperialist ambitions.
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The Irish Sun
34 minutes ago
- The Irish Sun
With a million Russians dead & wounded – Putin won't hesitate pouring ANOTHER million into meatgrinder war, insiders say
EVIL Vladimir Putin would not think twice before flooding another million soldiers to die on the battlefield, defence experts have warned. It comes as Putin's battlefield 10 Firefighters try to extinguish after a Russian drone attack in Kharkiv Credit: Reuters 10 Ukrainian soldiers of 43rd artillery brigade fire self-propelled howitzer towards Russian positions Credit: AP 10 An explosion of a drone lights up the sky over the city during a Russian drone strike Credit: Reuters 10 Ukraine's fierce resistance forced Russia to pay a mighty toll for every inch of land it has taken, and The According to the Ukrainian General Staff, one million Russian military troops have been put out of action since February 24, 2022, with 628,000 of those casualties occurring in the last six months. Burning through a million troops has won Putin just 20 per cent of Ukraine's total territory - mainly in southern and eastern areas - which is a READ MORE ON RUSSIA Despite the And that's because mass sacrifice is ingrained in his Soviet-style battle plan. Russian people are also too scared to stand up to the monster they've created and would rather die killing Ukrainians Ukrainian government source Leading defence expert Philip Ingram told The Sun: "Putin does not care about the numbers. He has a huge number of people ready to go to war. "Though he has been having difficulties in recruiting soldiers full-time, he is recruiting soldiers from rural Russia on contracts and paying them heavily. Most read in The US Sun "Russia is sending waves and waves of soldiers, often without the support of artillery and other fire weapons. They are being slaughtered." Mr Ingram said the Russian population may not be aware of the actual casualty rate of the war, which is being kept away the Kremlin's propaganda machine. Putin's Ukraine war toll tops 1 MILLION Russians dead & wounded 40 months into 'days-long operation'…with no end in sight, with Stephen Hall He explained how soliders are being recruited from isolated parts of Russia where the population is often poor with low literacy levels. And how Putin is "buying their silence" by offering them "life-changing compensations". The expert said: "Soldiers are coming in from vast parts of Russia where there is no connectivity. Their literacy levels are extremely low. "What's keeping them coming is the amount of compensation they are getting, which is often life-changing. "It means they or their families would never have to work again for the rest of their lives. "That's how Vladimir Putin is buying their silence; he seems to have the population behind him. Russia expert Bill Borwder told The Sun that Putin would lose "another five million soldiers" if it helps him to stay in power. Putin will sacrifice one, two or even five million Russians just to make sure that he stays in power Bill Browder Russia expert He said: "Part of the reason that Putin is at war is not because he wants a piece of Ukraine ot he's upset with NATO. "He's at war because he's desperately afraid of his own people, and the best way of having his people have their anger deflected is have them angry at some foreign adversary. "Putin is so scared for losing his own life, he's ready to sacrifice one, two or even five million Russians just to make sure that he stays in power." A Ukrainian government source told The Sun: "Putin doesn't care and never cared for the people of Russian Federation, be it ethnic Russians or representatives of other minorities. "For him, it is a matter of personal survival and he would be willing to send anyone to death - from a Russian soldier to a Ukrainian child - for his own miserable existence. "Unfortunately, Russian people in majority are also too scared to stand up to the monster they've created, and would rather die killing other nation's people than risk their lives standing up against it." 10 Firefighters try to extinguish after Russian drone attack in Kharkiv Credit: Getty 10 Ukrainian service members firing an anti-tank guided missile weapon system Credit: Reuters 10 Servicemen of Armed Forces prepare to fire a self-propelled howitzer towards Russian troops Credit: Reuters 10 Artillerymen of the 15th Operative Purpose Brigade Kara-Dag firing towards Russia Credit: Reuters 10 Dr Stephen Hall, politics lecturer at the University of Bath, said that as far as the warmongering dictator is concerned, things are heading in the right direction, so he will keep on condemning young Russians to their deaths. He told The Sun: "Putin believes he's winning the war. The Russian army is moving forward like it or not. "He believes that he can outlast the West, that the West is weak." Russia's strategy, Dr Hall said, has been one of "meat assault". This relies on the logic that if you flood the front line with overwhelming numbers, "eventually some will get through". Dr Hall said Putin has learned this strategy from his ruthless Soviet predecessors in World War Two. Their idea was "ten men to every rifle", which meant: "You pick up the rifle of a fallen soldier. You keep going, you get shot. You're next. Your buddy picks up your rifle. "The Soviet army would eventually push through. So that remains the case in Russia." Russians 'know how to suffer', which allows the regime to continue with its meatgrinder tactics Dr Stephen Hall Politics lecturer at the University of Bath And that approach suits Putin just fine, because he "doesn't care about his men", Dr Hall said. He said the Russian people "know how to suffer", which allows the regime to continue with its meat-grinder tactics. The Kremlin also meets less resistance from the Russian people than a million losses should merit, because it simply lies to them, Dr Hall said. He said: "They're simply not going to be told, especially in the poorer areas where Russia is recruiting - like Buryatia and Bashkortostan and elsewhere." NO STOPPING Even with the death toll climbing higher by the day — over 1,140 Russian soldiers killed or wounded on Tuesday — Putin appears to be doubling down. The bloody milestone comes as Putin calls for a major upgrade to Russia's ground forces, Ukrainian outlet Pravda reports. The Kremlin tyrant declared them the 'dominant force' in modern warfare and demanded faster development of 'advanced weapons systems' with 'the highest tactical and technical specifications.' In a meeting on the state armaments programme, Putin also directed resources toward strengthening Russia's navy, further signalling his long-term military ambitions. 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Irish Times
7 hours ago
- Irish Times
Ireland will have to commit substantial funds to arms procurement whether it approves or not
All they talk about in Brussels these days is defence. And with a sense of urgency and common political will that is a product of real fear that the EU itself is existentially threatened . A fear that the threats from Russia to Ukraine – regarded, as one senior European Commission official put it, as a 'de facto member state' – and Vladimir Putin 's wider ambitions against former Soviet states now part of the union are serious. And that the US can no longer be relied on for military support or even nuclear deterrence. The talk is all of meeting new Nato targets of raising defence spending to between three and five per cent of GDP. Russia, member states are warned, has been massively expanding its military-industrial production capacity with an estimated spending in 2024 of 40 per cent of the federal budget and up to 9 per cent of its GDP (up from 6 per cent in 2023) on defence, a commitment only possible in an autocratic state impervious to public sentiment. Ireland, despite its new commitment to bolster its army, remains the poorest performer in the EU class at 0.5 per cent this year. Member states' defence spending has grown by more than 31 per cent since 2021, reaching 1.9 per cent of the EU's combined GDP or €326bn in 2024, almost double the amount spent in 2021. Not enough, however; now a target of €800 billion in the next few years is being discussed. A measure of how seriously the debate is being taken has been the union's willingness with unprecedented speed to raise its sacrosanct fiscal rules, allowing member states to break debt limits to expand their military spending . READ MORE The thrust is now being driven by the EU White Paper on Defence Preparedness 2025, published recently. It was the subject of a well-attended debate this week in the Institute for International and European Affairs, which turned inevitably to the issue of Ireland's own national preparedness and its role next year in steering the EU presidency discussions. Centre stage will be the roll-out of the white paper proposals to revitalise states' military capacity and transform national defence industries to break reliance on foreign, notably US, imported weapons. A new defence financing initiative, Safe, will see the European Investment Bank raise €150 billion to lend to the private sector on condition 65 per cent of loans are for European-produced weapons. Ireland is not planning to dip into the fund, but Minister of State for Defence Thomas Byrne told the meeting that, in the spirit of 'principles-based pragmatism', we might yet do so. Ireland will also have charge of brokering a deal on the next seven-year budget (the Multiannual Financial Framework, or MFF). The process always severely stretches member-state solidarity and will particularly test them this time, with a huge increase in collective defence spending being proposed. That, at a time when all are cash-strapped, will require a massive breach of the one per cent of EU GDP budget spending ceiling, or as Prof Brigid Laffan warned, 'tough trade-offs' on long-standing policy areas. Like agriculture. Ireland cannot stand on the sidelines. It will necessarily have to commit substantial funds to arms procurement as a net contributor to the MFF, like all others, whether or not it approves. [ Parlous state of Defence Forces once again laid bare Opens in new window ] The EU white paper bears a remarkable resemblance in its scope and thrust to the paper produced in Ireland in 2022 by the Commission on the Defence Forces and which prompted our own commitment to major upgrading of the Defence Forces. The white paper, the EU Commission's senior defence official, Guilaume de la Brosse, insists, is not about redefining EU defence policy 'but about the specificities of member states, serving national agendas', and both starting a discussion about preparedness and capabilities and pointing to a way in which the needs may be addressed more efficiently, collectively and individually. The white paper projects are all 'voluntary'. Like the Irish commission's silence on neutrality's merits, it is not saying European collective defence must take a particular form, but that if you want a capability to deter aggression then this is how to do it – and it is best done collectively, ensuring interoperability and as little duplication as possible. [ Poll shows Ireland's attachment to neutrality is strong but nuanced Opens in new window ] Critical to getting both imperatives through will be important changes in the nature of defence discussions throughout the EU – not least in Ireland, where the debate has largely been confined to political and policy circles. Both the Taoiseach and the Tánaiste have engaged strongly, echoing common EU-wide concerns, but public opinion remains largely indifferent, albeit clinging to vague, often contradictory notions of 'neutrality'. There is often an unwillingness to acknowledge the need to upgrade our defensive capacity or even a need for it. A fundamental challenge remains a public unwillingness to perceive real new vulnerabilities or threats to ourselves – like to our vital undersea cable networks or to cyber attacks, or threats to the territorial integrity of our European partners – as urgent and requiring radical action. Although sympathetic to their plight, and generously receptive of refugees, Irish voters have yet to recognise that their problem is our problem, a real threat to our union, and to develop a real sense of obligation to fellow members of the union arising from our membership of this huge 'peace project'. From a narrow national perspective, as Minister Byrne acknowledged, 'working together is the only way forward'. This debate urgently needs to expand beyond Dáil Éireann's narrow confines.


Irish Times
8 hours ago
- Irish Times
Seamus Murphy took his camera from the Rust Belt to Russia. What he saw took him aback
When the Irish documentary photographer and film -maker Seamus Murphy came back from Russia in 2008 he made a surprising discovery. He had travelled to the far east of the country to photograph the oil- and gas-rich regions that were both fuelling the Russian economy and propping up Vladimir Putin's regime. What he didn't at all expect was to be reminded of a similar solitary six-week trip to the US that he'd made the year before. 'As I went back through the files and contact sheets of my images I was struck not by the differences but by the similarities with America,' Murphy says. 'It wasn't just the way things such as the urban and postindustrial landscape looked the same as, say, in the Rust Belt cities of the United States. People's lives in the two countries didn't seem that hugely different. Strange Love: an inflated orange elephant outside a circus building, Perm, Perm Krai, Russia. Photograph: Seamus Murphy 'You go to the back end of nowhere in America and, like similar places in Russia, the level of things like healthcare, wages and education are pretty bad. Most people are struggling, and face the same personal challenges and family and social problems. If you're living under the shadow of a great superpower, life can be the same: people are exploited; human behaviour is human behaviour.' The realisation gave Murphy an idea. 'The cold war was built on the ideology of these two global powers being so different and such enemies that conflict and killing was inevitable and had to be maintained,' he says. 'But what if, on a human level, that was all a lie?' READ MORE Strange Love: a serviceman buys a cold drink beside a pile of dummies used for training in battle first aid, Fort Riley, Kansas, US. Photograph: Seamus Murphy Strange Love: Perm, Russia. Photograph: Seamus Murphy He eventually returned to Russia in 2017 and 2019 – this time to photograph locations in Moscow and in the military and nationalistic heartlands of the Urals – with that thought specifically in mind. 'I'd covered the rise of Trump in America, been to his rallies, seen the way he seemed to revere Putin and his power, the disconcerting bromance of it all,' he says. 'And I realised, s**t, I've really got to follow through with this.' Since then, of course, and particularly during the current authoritarian Trump presidency, the idea has only become increasingly more timely and geopolitically germane. The result is Strange Love, the culmination of an almost 20-year project and the latest work from the award-winning 65-year-old. An ingenious title that reflects the 'weird love-hate enabling and interdependence' between the US and Russia, as well as a nod to the 1964 film Dr Strangelove, Stanley Kubrick's devastating parody of cold-war fears of nuclear annihilation, Strange Love's 88 colour images are sequenced so that each is on a double-page spread, the photographs alternating between the two countries. Strange Love: the view in the mirror of a vehicle outside Los Alamos, New Mexico, US. Photograph: Seamus Murphy Strange Love: Heating Station No 10, Pervomaysky District, Irkutsk, Russia. Photograph: Seamus Murphy None is captioned, although there are thumbnail images at the back of the book that identify a photograph's location, if not subject and date. The desired effect is at once disorientating and intriguing; as a viewer you constantly recalibrate your preconceptions of place, time and context, not quite sure where you are. Even the cover image of a five-pointed star is suitably ambiguous: is it a Soviet communist red star or a rusting symbol of the Lone Star State of Texas? 'Sometimes it's obvious which country you're in: there's an American flag; or a sign in Cyrillic; or a black person, which makes it more likely to be the US,' he says. 'But I'm hoping that, while each picture is a story in itself, the book is also an accumulation and a journey, that as you go through you get lost in the narrative, in the pictures and in the moments.' Strange Love: a woman in Etna, Pennsylvania, US. Photograph: Seamus Murphy Strange Love: a man in Yuzhno Sakhalinsk, Sakhalin Island, Russia. Photograph: Seamus Murphy Murphy is talking from Nablus, in the West Bank, where he is again revisiting locations in a complex and fractured state – this time in the city in which in 2004 he both took stills for the Oscar-nominated Palestinian feature film Paradise Now and chronicled daily life during the second intifada. A desire to record, re-examine and return to the world's major conflict zones is characteristic of his acclaimed career. He often takes the long view. An unusually versatile and widescreen photographer whose work embraces portraiture, reportage, conflict, war, landscape, urban, street and social-issue images, both in colour and black and white, and in still and moving images, Murphy has received seven World Press Photo awards for his work in Afghanistan, Gaza, Lebanon, Sierra Leone, Peru, Britain and Ireland. He has published four books, including In the Republic, a personal odyssey before the centenary of the 1916 Easter Rising. Strange Love: a motel room in Detroit, Michigan, US. Photograph: Seamus Murphy Strange Love: a woman in Blagoveshchensk, Amur Oblast, Russia. Photograph: Seamus Murphy Murphy has also collaborated with PJ Harvey on the albums Let England Shake and The Hope Six Demolition Project, leading to music films, multimedia exhibitions and the book The Hollow of the Hand. He has made short films for Channel 4, the New Yorker and Unicef, and received an Emmy nomination for A Darkness Visible: Afghanistan, a film based on his photographic work from 14 trips to the country. His most recent feature documentary is The Peculiar Sensation of Being Pat Ingoldsby, an exploration of 'the life, work and imagination of the maverick Irish poet', who died earlier this year. [ Pat Ingoldsby obituary: Ringmaster of a surreal circus that sprang fully formed from his own imagination Opens in new window ] 'Regardless of medium or subject, I'm always striving for intimacy and a certain poetic realism,' he says. 'I'm not trying to sentimentalise or beautify what I'm seeing. I am trying to record the moment in a hopefully truthful, dignified and creative way. The reason I love novels is that you get to experience another person's reality. Photography is the same. The search is about showing and sharing a glimpse of what life and humanity are all about.' Murphy was born in Orsett, in Essex, southeast England. His father, also called Seamus, was brought up in Claremorris, Co Mayo, and studied medicine at the Royal College of Surgeons in Ireland in Dublin before leaving in the late 1940s to work in the newly founded NHS. His mother, Francesca Fitzgerald – 'a great character, very refined, very creative' – was raised in England by Irish parents. Strange Love: Detroit, Michigan, US. Photograph: Seamus Murphy Strange Love: Blagoveshchensk, Amur Oblast, Russia. Photograph: Seamus Murphy Seamus was the youngest of six children, four girls and two boys, who were all born in England. When he was six months old the family moved to Ireland, eventually settling in Glasnevin Avenue in north Dublin. His father ran a large GP surgery in nearby Finglas; he also owned and trained racehorses. When Murphy was 14 three Ulster Volunteer Force car bombs exploded in Dublin ; together with a fourth bomb, in Monaghan, the attack killed 33 civilians and injured almost 300. 'I would come home on the bus from my school, Terenure College, and was in the centre of town around the time everything was happening. I think it introduced me to the idea of such things as news, current affairs, history, politics, violence and danger. I'd sort of discovered what I wanted to do with my life.' [ 'We hadn't heard from Mammy. Where was she? Then all hell broke loose': The Dublin and Monaghan bombings 50 years on Opens in new window ] Settling on becoming a journalist, he won a place at Trinity College Dublin to study English but left soon afterwards to enrol on a more practical three-year communications course at Rathmines College. Coming of age 'in Taliban Ireland – the Irish Catholic chapter', however – during the hard times and high unemployment of the late 1970s and early 1980s – Murphy was bored and restless and couldn't wait to see more of the world. In 1983 he travelled to the US and ended up staying for almost four years; most of the time he lived in San Francisco and worked as a house painter. He'd also bought a camera and 'really took to it' after he discovered a public darkroom at the end of his street. Murphy is entirely self-taught; he learned through trial, error, experimentation and practice. He also picked up a wide range of photography books at yard sales. 'I learned by looking at different photographers' choices,' he says. Strange Love: a home in Los Angeles, California, US. Photograph: Seamus Murphy Strange Love: Berezniki, Perm Krai, Russia. Photograph: Seamus Murphy Murphy moved to London in 1987 and has lived there ever since. His big break came in his late 20s when he was back in Dublin at Christmas and photographed kids riding horses in the inner city. 'I was used to seeing them from my childhood, but I'd been in America and I thought, 'Actually, this is not usual.'' He sold the story to the London Independent; it was later picked up by a Swedish newspaper. He had a nose for a story and was on his way. As well as 'a plea for humanism', Murphy's work since then has been marked by several further themes. He prefers to work serendipitously, to follow his instincts and react to the moment in real time. 'Well, I'm not exactly the Charlie Parker of the f-stop,' he says, laughing, when I suggest his modus operandi sounds something like that of a jazz musician. 'But, yes, I'm always trying to capture the moment, to share something fresh and surprising.' Strange Love: people waiting on the platform of the LA Metro at Hollywood Western station, California, US. Photograph: Seamus Murphy Strange Love: women walk together, Ulan-Ude, Republic of Buryatia, Russia. Photograph: Seamus Murphy There is often an element of humour in his photographs, or at least some sense of the surreal or absurd. Murphy is also searching for the hidden and oblique; his work has been described as suggestive, elliptical and impressionistic – he is often looking for a measure of mystery, to raise questions beyond the frame. I have worked on assignment with Murphy, and he is a quietly assured presence, a photographer with equal parts guile, intelligence and charm. Most of all, he is democratic and non-judgemental. He no doubt needed to exhibit both qualities on his extended trips to Russia and the United States. 'I'm definitely not trying to make any equivalence politically, and I'm certainly not pointing fingers or preaching or claiming any objectivity,' he says. 'But I suppose Strange Love did distil my work in some way and supply it with … not a manifesto but an idea at the heart of it all. And it couldn't be simpler, really, or more important: we aren't as different to each other as they say we are.' Strange Love is published by Setanta Books