
One year after Chevron's demise, gun regulation is unraveling
This rule, whose name was taken from a 1980s Supreme Court case, had required federal judges to defer to federal agency interpretations of their own authority in cases where the underlying laws were vague.
The Loper Bright ruling that ended so-called 'Chevron deference' last June was described as a 'return to judicial balance' — a technical correction. But its consequences are now impossible to ignore.
This decision gas hit gun regulation especially hard, stripping the Bureau of Alcohol, Tobacco and Firearms of one of its key tools for enforcing gun control. Between Loper Bright and the Supreme Court's striking down of the ban on bump stocks in Garland v. Cargill, courts across the South have begun systematically overturning rules.
Before Loper Bright, the ATF claimed the authority to decide what counts as a firearm — including whether modifications or added parts fell under regulation. The agency used that flexibility to slow the spread of dangerous modifications.
After the demise of Chevron, however, courts are no longer required to defer to agency interpretations, meaning that agencies like the ATF can no longer count on winning if they 'fill in the blanks' where Congress was vague. That means every new restriction must be clearly written into law, and older rules are now being challenged in court. The ATF is left watching from the sidelines as Loper Bright has become a standard reference in gun-related cases.
Southern states didn't waste time. Immediately after the decision, judges began citing it, and one year later we're seeing regional changes. For example, efforts are now underway to draft looser rules on pistol braces — add-ons that effectively turn pistols into rifle-style weapons — after the stricter Biden-era rule was struck down as impermissibly vague.
A judge in Texas also blocked ATF's attempts to regulate forced-reset triggers — devices that let semi-auto rifles fire almost like automatics — on the grounds that only Congress can decide what counts as a machine gun. This ruling shows how, after Chevron ended, agencies lost their ability to stretch unclear laws into gray areas.
The argument is clear and consistent: If something isn't explicitly defined as a firearm in the law, the agency cannot necessarily count on its claims of authority over it holding up in court. Without Chevron, regulators can't just interpret or assume provisions 'in the interest of public safety' and expect their interpretations to carry the day by default.
Chevron's fall didn't just weaken the ATF — it shook the foundation of how regulation works. Now, every gun rule must be spelled out. Until that happens, loopholes remain open.
Meanwhile, Congress's continued silence has opened the door to a wave of new weapon variations and modifications. The market is drifting into chaos, making rules hard to enforce and define.
By striking down Chevron, the court removed one of the few tools still keeping gun regulation alive. Without new laws from Congress, legal chaos becomes the norm. More weapons, more loopholes, less clarity.
The court made its choice. Now it's up to Congress. And as long as politicians stay quiet, the law is being written by those with guns in their hands.
Artem Kolisnichenko writes on crime, immigration, and border policy across the American South and Southwest.

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Buzz Feed
18 minutes ago
- Buzz Feed
Red vs. Blue States: Top Culture Shocks Revealed
We asked members of the BuzzFeed Community who have lived in both Republican-leaning and Democratic-leaning states to tell us the biggest culture shocks they faced when moving between them. We recognize that the anecdotes provided contain many generalizations and sometimes fail to capture the nuance of the states discussed. We also acknowledge that red states have blue pockets and blue states have red pockets. These responses simply detail observations made by our readers. "We moved from Orange County, CA, to 30 minutes south of Dallas. While the red definitely flowed heavier in this area, it wasn't as bad as we thought it would be. We lived in a conservative city of Orange County, so we weren't shocked by the number of Trump signs in TX. However, people were much more vocal about it in TX. What was more shocking was the number of people who assumed we moved from CA to TX because of the politics. And how opinionated they all were about Gavin Newsom. A lot of them had probably never even been to CA, but formed their political opinions based on Fox News and red rhetoric. 'No, Susan, we didn't move to TX because we're running from politics. We left CA because we wanted to own grass. CA is actually a pretty nice place!'" "Trump flags. They were EVERYWHERE in the red state where I used to live. I think I saw one Biden bumper sticker and a single Biden yard sign in the entire state. Brave folks. Plenty of 'Let's go Brandon' signs and stickers everywhere. I've yet to see a single Trump flag in the blue state in which I currently reside. There was a big 'No Kings' march in my city, but I heard there was also one in the red town where I used to live. Huh." "I moved from a red to a blue state. The taxes are unbelievable. I used to pay a 3% sales tax. Now, here, the sales tax is 9.5%. Forget gun laws, here you can't even carry pocket knives or any kind of self-defense weapons. I'm lucky I can still carry mace, but even then, the sizes are heavily regulated. The police here are so overwhelmed that they cannot respond. I got assaulted back in the red state, and the police were on site in two minutes. It happened here, and the police never showed up; they called me five hours later and asked if the guy was 'still there.'" Editor's note: A quick Google search told me that the highest average combined state and local sales tax rates are: Louisiana (10.11%), Tennessee (9.61%), Arkansas (9.48%), Washington (9.47%), and Alabama (9.44%). However, California has the highest state-level sales tax rate, at 7.25%. Indiana, Mississippi, Rhode Island, and Tennessee tie for the second-highest statewide rate at 7%. "I moved to Southern California from very rural North Carolina. The most shocking thing to get used to about SoCal was houses, houses, HOUSES!! In SoCal, you look up at a mountain, and the entire thing is covered with homes, and most of those homes sit on a postage stamp-sized lot. They pack houses together like Tetris. I was used to looking up at the mountains in the Blue Ridge and often seeing no homes at all — just uninterrupted forest and natural beauty. And in rural NC, people would say you have a 'small yard' if you had an acre. It was tough for me to believe people wanted to pay SoCal house prices to live on a plot of land so small that neighbors on two sides could hear you talk in your living room." "I moved from the West Coast (blue) to the deep South (red) in the '90s. I first noticed that nobody knew what to make of me. I got asked whether I was black or white numerous times a day for my first month in my new school, and those who didn't ask simply physically attacked me out of confusion. This leads to my next point: Rural people are openly aggressive and easily triggered, and their biggest trigger is people who are different in any way. Also, I thought I would get a break from the constant 'Jesus Jesus Jesus' I endured in Christian school when I went down south and started public school. Nope. It got worse. I was bullied into praying at the flagpole every morning. There were prayers at every assembly and ballgame. They had cliques based on the denomination of your church (and of course, absolutely everyone went to church, or at least were afraid to admit to not going to church)." "My family moved from South Carolina to central New York in 2022. The most shocking thing was the sidewalks and public parks everywhere. I found out later that historically, in the south, when the parks were integrated, many of the local communities chose to close or destroy the parks rather than share the space with everyone. It was sad but not surprising." "I grew up in a conservative suburb of Atlanta and moved to Seattle a few years ago. Honestly, the wildest culture shock, and one of the more frustrating parts of living here, is how many misconceptions blue state natives have about the South. The 'South' isn't a monolith. Atlanta, in particular, is a diverse and liberal city. I always meet people who have never left the West Coast but are quick to paint all red states with a broad brush. I'm so glad I left Georgia, but I often find myself having to defend the culture I came from, even though I disagree with a lot of it." "Pick-up trucks. About half as many are on the road in Democratic-leaning states as in Republican-leaning states. And the funny thing is, most of the red states I've lived in rely on their ecotourism (national forests, beaches), and they don't seem to care that those gas-guzzling beasts are basically killing their cash cow." "The oddest thing to me is the total lack of self-awareness now that I live in a deeply Republican-leaning state. People brag about not having health insurance and not paying their medical bills, and at the same time, condemn the liberal states for their welfare economies. It is also weird how every one of the locals assumes your belief structure is the same as theirs. I don't ever recall meeting someone in a Democrat-leaning state who started talking politics with you as soon as they met you. It happens here all the time." "Guns. In Connecticut, 'gun' is a dirty word, not to be mentioned in any way. If it is mentioned, it's almost embarrassing and done in a shy way, even if it's to go hunting to feed your family. In Texas, people will list off what they have and how they used them to go hunting or do target practice that weekend with pride." "I moved from New Jersey to Panama City, Florida (because of my husband's job), and there is a literal Trump store in town. I really don't understand the MAGA cult." "I moved from Seattle to southeastern Arizona (a few miles north of Tombstone) seven years ago. I am a liberal-leaning Democrat with a few conservative views. We are in the middle of Trump country. Tombstone has a Trump store. There are Trump flags and American flags everywhere. The only times I saw American flags in Seattle were during holidays, but here they fly them all the time. In the grocery store during election time, people were aggressively sharing their opinions (Republican). I was on a local Facebook chat one time, and they were gathering up people to run people off the road who had Biden bumper stickers on their cars. I have learned to keep my mouth shut here because I fear what these people will do or say to me, especially in a group setting." "I used to travel a lot to Texas for work. Going from Michigan to Texas was always the same shock. Bet you can guess. Guns. Everywhere. Signs about guns. Gun sales. I remember seeing a very stern reminder in the airport about firearms, like nothing I had ever seen before. The liberals I worked with there were concerned for their physical and emotional safety to a degree I'd never heard echoed in Michigan. Made me very grateful not to live there." "I moved to central Virginia from Colorado. What surprised me was how, in Virginia, people still talked about the Civil War a lot, and it was clear they wished the Confederates had won. They literally have their own version of history. And the anti-science paranoia during COVID. I'm back in Colorado now and much happier." "I moved from Southern California to the DC area (Virginia and DC itself) 10 years ago for grad school, and I'm now settled near Harrisburg in Pennsylvania. The area of VA I lived in was full of DC types, and the people I was around weren't too different from the crowd I was part of in CA. However, moving from the DC area to this part of PA has been jarring! I've lived here for four years now, and it's still a culture shock! My husband, his ex-wife, and I are the only people I know with Master's degrees, let alone Bachelor's or even Associate's degrees. I was 27 when I got married, and I felt I was young, but people here get married and have kids straight out of high school. When I had my first child at 29 and my second at 31, I had a friend pregnant with her fourth at 24." "Moving from a blue state to a red state, I'd say the biggest shock was the quality of the local eateries. Not very many Michelin stars here." "I never experienced racism until I moved to the Midwest. Before moving here, people thought it was cool that I'm Puerto Rican. Here, it's something icky that people look down upon. Fuck 'em." "Not me, but my parents. A few years ago, they moved from Texas to Colorado. The thing that shocked me the most was around election time. For ANY election (local or federal), residents receive a voting guide in the mail. It lists each candidate they can vote for, describes their platform or relevant info that might influence a vote, and is provided FOR FREE. They actually want people to be informed voters. Go figure!" "I moved from St. Louis County (blue) to Hamilton County just north of Indianapolis (red). Everyone here gets married SO young. I'm 26 and only a handful of people from my high school are married, but so many people I talk to here think that if you're not married by 25, you'll never get married. Also, religion is so different. In the area I grew up in, there's a good bit of diversity. About a third of my high school was Jewish, so most people respected those differences and kind of knew the basics of different religions and cultures. So many people here tell me I'm the first Jewish person they've met and ask a ton of questions or immediately try to convince me to convert." "I moved from a very progressive blue state to a mid-conservative red state. What did I notice? The drivers are so much angrier in the red state. They're so much more aggressive, and there's more honking. And it's not that I moved from a small town to a big city. I moved to a smaller city than where I had lived in the blue state." "I moved to Alabama because of my dad's work when I was 16, having spent my entire childhood in the Portland, Oregon, metro area, and just over the river in Washington. Honestly, there were a lot of changes; it was almost like moving to a new country. Initially, I was shocked by how 'cliquey' people were. There really is a very 'it' look and style, whereas I feel like the West Coast is more varied and unique, so it was harder to feel like an outsider. I came home from youth group in tears multiple times because I felt so left out. ALSO, the Confederate pride is honestly wild. Why would you want to name places after people who committed high treason? The political environment is also very different, and having a more niche view is harder. You're either a MAGA-loving Christian or you're a heathen Leftist maniac." "NYC native. Moved to a populated and beautiful upscale town in Georgia. The food culture is very different. I miss the variety and quality of different ethnicities. I don't like fried food, and we try to eat healthy, but even the upscale grocery stores have limited produce choices. The local restaurant menus are predictable, and choices are very limited. There are a few nice restaurants, but they're wildly overpriced, and typically, a steakhouse has been the best bet so far. Favorites for the 'locals' are Chick-fil-A and Cracker Barrel. We don't eat out much. 😞" "I moved from Arkansas to Raleigh, NC. It's not a full red-to-blue, but the capital is pretty blue. The biggest surprise was the multi-cultural neighborhoods with races and immigrants from all over the world. Most Arkansas communities are shockingly segregated. I'm originally from Georgia, and that's a big problem outside of the Atlanta area, too. Check out recent census maps, and you'll see what I mean." "I'm from Los Angeles. People in Idaho go to church, well, religiously. Fry Sauce is a big deal here, too. Also, you do NOT volunteer that you're from Cali unless you want someone's unsolicited two cents or a political debate. Boise is a nice place to live (lived there 15 years), but don't talk politics unless red is your philosophy/leaning. I think Trump's an orangutan with an out-sized ego. But you don't share that shit out loud here." "I moved from Colorado to North Carolina two years ago. The racism and MAGA get to me, as does the lack of a gay community. I see giant Confederate flags on tall poles on properties right outside the city, and 'Let's Go Brandon' flags. There are sundown counties where Black people wouldn't be safe at night. The gay community is small compared to Denver, even though this city is about the same size as Denver. As expensive as Denver is, I still might try to move back. Writing that all out, it seems so obvious that would be Southern culture, I really wonder what I was thinking to move." "I moved from Chicago to an Indianapolis suburb. I've never felt more out of place due to the lack of diversity. And even though people view Chicago as more dangerous, and where I live now is considered one of the safest towns in the state, I've never felt more fearful of my neighbors or walking into a restaurant than I do now. I'm kind of stuck here due to finances and family, but if it were my choice, I'd move back to Chicago in a heartbeat." "I moved from a red state to a blue state and back to a red state, and I think the biggest culture shock I experienced is the way red state folks make being from a red state their entire personality." And: "I grew up in a hyper-blue state and moved to a hyper-red state. I've got to say: Both are equally intolerant and unaccepting, just in different ways. All of my friends back in my liberal home state were *shocked* that I wanted to maybe be a stay-at-home mom one day, while people in the conservative town I live in now low-key disapproved that I went to college. Both preach love, tolerance, and acceptance, until they meet people who think differently from them." Have you lived in both a red and blue state? What are the biggest differences you noticed between the two? Tell us in the comments or share anonymously using this form. Note: Submissions have been edited for length and/or clarity.


Bloomberg
27 minutes ago
- Bloomberg
Bloomberg Law:Judges Block Trump Agenda Despite SCOTUS
Professor Cary Coglianese who directs the University of Pennsylvania Carey Law School's program on regulation, discusses the way federal courts are getting around the Supreme Court's decision limiting nationwide injunctions. Carl Tobias, a professor at the University of Richmond Law School, discusses President Trump's slow start with judiciary appointments. June Grasso hosts.
Yahoo
an hour ago
- Yahoo
Supreme Court lets Trump fire hundreds of Education Department workers and dismantle the agency
WASHINGTON − An ideologically divided Supreme Court on July 14 allowed the Trump administration to fire hundreds of workers from the Education Department and continue other efforts to dismantle the agency. The court's three liberal justices opposed the order, the latest win for President Donald Trump at the high court. Justice Sonia Sotomayor said the majority handed Trump the power to repeal laws passed by Congress 'by firing all those necessary to carry them out.' 'The majority is either willfully blind to the implications of its ruling or naïve,' Sotomayor wrote in her 19-page dissent, 'but either way the threat to our Constitution's separation of powers is great.' The majority did not explain its decision in the brief, unsigned order. The decision came a week after the court allowed the administration to move forward with large-scale staffing cuts at multiple agencies. Trump is trying to fulfill his campaign promise to end the Education Department and move school policy to the states. 'Today, the Supreme Court again confirmed the obvious: the President of the United States, as the head of the Executive Branch, has the ultimate authority to make decisions about staffing levels, administrative organization, and day-to-day operations of federal agencies," Education Secretary Linda McMahon said in a statement. She said the administration will continue to perform education-related functions required by law while "empowering families and teachers by reducing education bureaucracy." The Education Department workers were placed on administrative leave in March and were to stop receiving salaries on June 9 before a judge intervened at the request of Democratic-led states, school districts and teachers' unions. The government has been spending more than $7 million a month to continue paying the employees who remain unable to work, according to the American Federation of Government Employees. U.S. District Judge Myong Joun in Massachusetts said the White House's decision to fire more than 1,300 workers has prevented the federal government from effectively implementing legally required programs and services. Such changes can't be made without the approval of Congress, which created the department in 1979, Joun ruled in May. The Boston-based 1st U.S. Circuit Court of Appeals backed that decision. The court said the administration provided no evidence to counter Joun's "record-based findings about the disabling impact" of the mass firings and the transfer of some functions to other agencies. The Justice Department said the Constitution gives the executive branch, not the courts, the authority to decide how many employees are needed. "The Department of Education has determined that it can carry out its statutorily mandated functions with a pared-down staff and that many discretionary functions are better left to the States," Solicitor General John Sauer told the Supreme Court. An executive order Trump signed in March directed McMahon to "facilitate the closure of the Department of Education." Republicans have long accused the federal government of holding too much power over local and state education policy, even though the federal government has no control over school curriculum. McMahon announced roughly half the agency's workforce would be eliminated through a combination of mass layoffs and voluntary buyouts. That would have reduced the staff from 4,133 workers when Trump began his second term in January to 2,183 workers. The administration also wants the Small Business Administration to take over student loans and move special education services to the U.S. Department of Health and Human Services. Joun's May 22 order blocked the administration from transferring those functions and required the department to reinstate fired workers. The appeals court said Trump doesn't have to employ as many Education Department workers as the previous administration but can't cut so many that the agency can't function as Congress intended. States challenging the moves said the administration removed nearly all the workers who certify whether colleges and universities qualify for federal student aid programs. And it gutted the department in charge of the data used to allocate billions of dollars to states, lawyers for New York and other states told the Supreme Court. Unless the firings are reversed while the courts are deciding if the administration is acting legally, "it will be effectively impossible to undo much of the damage caused," lawyers for the Democracy Forward Foundation had told the Supreme Court. After the court's decision, Skye Peryman, president and CEO of Democracy Forward, said the group will "aggressively pursue every legal option as this case proceeds to ensure that all children in this country have access to the public education they deserve." The Justice Department had told the Supreme Court that the harms to the government from having to rehire the workers as the litigation continues are greater than any harms the challengers said they'll suffer from diminished department services. The department also opposed the challenge on procedural grounds. This article originally appeared on USA TODAY: Supreme Court says Trump can fire Education Department workers